Category: Evening Report

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Todd Farrell, Senior Tutor, School of Social and Political Sciences, The University of Melbourne

With South Australia in its final week of campaigning ahead of the state election, you may have noticed while there’s been a few scandals around mistaken identity of hospital patients and controversial candidates’ opinions, accusations of politicians lying are muted.

That’s partly because SA elections operate under a previously little-known law called truth in political advertising.

As governments across the world despair over misinformation turbocharged by AI and publish guides to spot misinformation, this law has attracted renewed interest 40 years after its adoption.

It sounds simple enough, but what is it? How is it enforced – and more importantly, does it actually stop politicians lying?

What is SA’s truth in political advertising law?

Section 113 of SA’s Electoral Act (1985) makes it an offence for anyone to publish an electoral advertisement that “contains a statement purporting to be a statement of fact that is inaccurate and misleading to a material extent”.

Importantly, it only captures officially authorised electoral advertisements. That means political speech, commentary or opinion are not captured.

So while it sounds broad, the law applies to a narrow selection of material, and only to facts that are demonstrably misleading.

This is different from other jurisdictions, where the laws only apply to misleading voters about the literal act of voting. Advance’s bold “CCP says Vote Labor” campaign during the 2022 federal election attracted the Australian Electoral Commission’s warning, as the campaign used a tick on the ballot square. Advance had to change it to a number – not because the ad had outrageous content, but because it implied a tick on a ballot paper was a formal vote.

How does the SA law work?

If an objection is lodged, it falls to the state’s electoral commissioner to judge whether the material is inaccurate or misleading. If the commissioner determines it is, they can order the party to withdraw the advertisement and publish a retraction. The consequences of refusal include fines or even voiding an election’s results.

A simple example can be found from the 2022 state election. The Labor Party published an advertisement that ambulance ramping “is worse than ever”. The Liberal Party launched an objection as this was untrue – ramping rates in February 2022 (1,522 hours) were 47% lower than in October 2021 (2,868 hours).

So ramping was, in fact, not worse than ever.

Labor was ordered by the commissioner to withdraw the advertisement and publish a retraction.

Does it work?

While it does not prevent all dubious campaigning, research involving former political staffers has noted the tone of SA campaigns is better than in other jurisdictions. This is because parties must scrutinise every statement and provide evidence that the advertisement is verified before publication.

The electoral commission is trusted to be a fair umpire, but political parties have increasingly weaponised their rulings in their campaigns. In 2010, only 63 objections were lodged, resulting in just two requests for removal. 2022 saw this nearly doubled to 122 objections, with 12 requests for removal.

There does not appear to have been any reported retraction or even any objection lodged in 2026 (so far).

If it works, why doesn’t everyone do it?

So far, only the Australian Capital Territory has followed SA in adopting truth in political advertising laws. Beyond lack of political consensus, there is reluctance from electoral commissions to wade into the murky world of political fact checking.

Another concern is constitutional. The implied right to freedom of political communication uncovered by the High Court is a possible barrier to further implementation.

There’s been considerable jurisprudence of what this “implied right” entails since truth in political advertising was upheld over 30 years ago in the SA Supreme Court. In 2022, for example, academic Kieren Pender wrote that laws that regulate “the truth” may unnecessarily burden this right.

More practically, the law is difficult to administer and labour intensive. Previous SA electoral commissioners estimated it took almost all their time to evaluate whether there had been a breach. The current commissioner has planned to double the number of staffers to investigate claims for 2026.

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A global leader

Nonetheless, the law is popular. The Australia Institute has found nearly nine in ten voters across political parties want some kind of law to regulate truth in political advertising.

The law has also been lauded by international scholars as a global leader in regulating political speech.

People clearly want to know more, as the commissioner fields calls from other nations at least once a month about this curious law.

While not a silver bullet, truth in political advertising laws foster a culture where parties must think twice about their messaging. Its overall limited use this election and support among campaigners suggest it does work, to borrow a popular federal phrase, to turn the heat down during election campaigns.

– ref. South Australians have truth in political advertising laws. Why doesn’t everyone else? – https://theconversation.com/south-australians-have-truth-in-political-advertising-laws-why-doesnt-everyone-else-278194

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/south-australians-have-truth-in-political-advertising-laws-why-doesnt-everyone-else-278194/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard J. Buning, Research Lead, UQ Micromobility Research Cluster, The University of Queensland

E-bikes have been increasing in popularity – they make cycling more accessible than ever. However, they’ve also been linked to tragic accidents.

In response, the Queensland government has conducted a parliamentary inquiry on e-mobility devices, including e-scooters and e-bikes.

The inquiry aimed to improve safety and address community concerns. It examined benefits, risks (crashes or battery fires), existing regulations compared to other jurisdictions, enforcement approaches, and importation laws.

The resulting report recommends banning all e-bikes for riders under 16, and requiring at least a learner driver’s licence to operate them.

If implemented, Queensland would become only the second jurisdiction in the world to mandate a driver’s licence for riding a standard e-bike, joining New Jersey, which passed similar legislation in January to much condemnation.

If Queeensland adopts this rule, it will quickly become the worst state for cycling in Australia – and set a dangerous precedent.

How risky are legal e-bikes?

Legal e-bikes (also known as pedelecs, short for “pedal electric cycles”) don’t pose greater risks than conventional bicycles. On average, e-bike crashes are equally as likely and severe as conventional bike crashes. And research from Denmark even shows e-bike riders are more likely to follow traffic laws and are more safety oriented than conventional cyclists.

A pedelec is defined under the European Union EN 15194 standard as a bicycle in which the motor provides assistance only when the rider pedals, power is limited to 250 watts, and the maximum assisted speed is 25km/h. This is the standard recognised in Australia.

To be clear, 250 watts is roughly the power an avid cyclist can generate with their body. Professional cyclists easily produce well over 400 watts.

The injury stats only become troubling when these standard pedelecs get mixed in with more powerful devices that can have a max pedal-assisted speed of 45km/h or more. The problem of increased danger doesn’t lie with EN 15194 compliant e-bikes.

Who would be impacted by licensing requirements?

About 7.5% of Queenslanders aged 16 and over – more than 340,000 people – don’t hold a driver’s licence. Across Australia, an estimated 1.5 million adults are without a licence.

These include:

• people with certain types of disabilities (visual, neurological or cognitive)
• children under 16 riding to school
• migrant workers from countries with licences not recognised in Australia, or who are in the process of transferring overseas licences. Many delivery riders fall in this category
• urban youth, who increasingly rely on alternative transport and delay obtaining a learner’s permit
• older people who have given up driving for age-related reasons
• low-income people for whom the costs associated with lessons, testing, and car ownership are prohibitive
• Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, particularly in regional and remote areas. These communities often face practical barriers to licensing, such as high cost, difficulties obtaining identity documents, and limited access to training
• individuals who are car-free by choice for lifestyle or environmental reasons
• people who have temporarily lost their driver’s licence, such as for speeding.

In short, legal e-bikes provide an important way to get around and maintain independence for many people. They can travel to work, education, or social activities without relying on a car.

For Queensland locals, even requiring a learner’s licence would impose a significant burden. Obtaining one costs about A$77 and requires passing an online test which typically takes four to six hours. Test questions focus on motor vehicle laws, not rules specific to cycling or e-mobility. The test is offered only in English and requires proof of identity and residency in Queensland.

Visitors from countries where driver’s licences are far less common than in Australia would be impacted too. For example, only about half of Chinese adults have a licence.

Queensland hosts more than 2 million international visitors annually, and Brisbane is expected to welcome more than 100,000 international visitors during the 2032 Olympic Games. Unless they hold a licence from their home country, these visitors would be forced to rely on ride-hailing services or risk penalties for using a legal e-bike.

What should be done instead?

A more effective approach would focus on clear vehicle classification, targeted regulation, safe cycling infrastructure, and education. This is the model used in the European Union.

Regulators should maintain a clear distinction between standard e-bikes and higher-powered devices.

EN 15194 compliant e-bikes should be legally treated as ordinary bicycles and integrated into everyday mobility. They shouldn’t require a driver’s licence, registration, or insurance. Riders should simply follow the same rules that apply to cyclists.

Only the more powerful models should require licensing and insurance. E-bikes that reach up to 45km/h should be classified as mopeds. In this way, regulation can reflect the actual risk level of the vehicle.

Enforcement is key. Authorities should focus on ensuring that devices sold in the market actually comply with power and speed limits. Regulators should keep targeting non-compliant imports and illegal modifications.

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Read more: That e-bike you bought your teen might be an illegal electric motorbike – and the risks are real

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We all share the road

Beyond product standards, much more emphasis should be placed on infrastructure. Investments in protected bike lanes, traffic calming, and well-designed intersections are crucial to improving safety for all road users.

Finally, Australia should start investing heavily in education and communication campaigns. Cycling education should be provided through schools, local councils, and road safety programs. These should focus on responsible riding, interaction with pedestrians, and visibility in traffic.

Importantly, they should also encourage a mindset that moves away from an “us versus them” stance between drivers and cyclists. Children should learn early that, as adults, they may occupy both roles – sometimes driving, sometimes cycling.

In combination, these policy approaches would allow e-bikes to expand while remaining a safe, accessible and inclusive mobility option.

– ref. Should e-bike riders be required to have a driver’s licence? – https://theconversation.com/should-e-bike-riders-be-required-to-have-a-drivers-licence-278207

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/should-e-bike-riders-be-required-to-have-a-drivers-licence-278207/

RNZ Pacific

Pacific Island governments are urging their citizens not to panic about the supply of fuels amid the conflict in the Middle East between Israel, the United States and Iran.

The conflict has resulted in the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a vital shipping route that carries around 20 percent of the world’s oil (20 million barrels a day), by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

The IRGC has warned that any ship passing through the strait would be attacked, triggering a near-total halt in vessels attempting to pass through the waterway, causing a surge in oil prices.

However, according to Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, the Strait of Hormuz is closed only to Iran’s “enemies and their allies”, the IRGC-aligned Tasnim News Agency reported.

US President Donald Trump has demanded that allies send naval vessels to the Middle East to help escort ships through the strait.

Pacific Islands nations get nearly all of their refined fuel from refineries in Singapore, South Korea and Japan. But roughly 80 percent of the crude oil used by these Asian refineries passes through the Strait of Hormuz.

The Fiji government said on Monday that fuel supplies in the country were sufficient to meet energy needs for the next few months.

“There is no need to indulge in ‘panic buying’ at the service station,” it said in a statement.

Closely monitoring the war
It added that the government was closely monitoring the US-Israel war on Iran, and meeting with local suppliers who had already secured fuel supplies.

Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and his cabinet were meeting today “to firm-up on the plan of action for the long-term, if there is no resolution to the conflict in the near future”.

Tonga’s government has also called on Tongans not to queue at petrol stations.

“There is no immediate need for concern or panic buying of fuel,” the Tonga Prime Minister’s Office said in a statement.

“We are assured by the energy sector that there is sufficient fuel available for now.”

Samoa’s Prime Minister Laaulialemalietoa Leuatea Polataivao Schmidt said his government’s immediate priority was to ensure that the country had enough fuel supply to meet its needs.

“What is happening . . .  we can’t control, but we are working to ensure we have enough fuel for the next one or two years because we do not know what’s going to happen next,” La’auli said during a joint press conference with New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon yesterday.

Current stocks sufficient
Vanuatu’s government said it has engaged with Pacific Energy, Vanuatu’s primary fuel importer and supplier, to assess potential impacts on national fuel supply.

“Pacific Energy reports current stocks are sufficient to cover usual consumption, the company’s supply programme, based on a three-month rolling forecast, is secured, and no shortages are anticipated in the foreseeable future,” the Ministry of the Prime Minister in Vanuatu said in a statement.

In the Solomon Islands, the country’s central bank said that while the fuel prices at the petrol stations were currently stable, “the impact of the oil price shock is expected to be felt from April 2026 onwards”.

“Preliminary assessment indicates that sustained increases in global oil prices are likely to push up domestic fuel costs, thereby feeding into higher imported inflation and overall headline inflation,” the Central Bank of Solomon Islands said in a statement.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/pacific-governments-warn-against-panic-buying-as-war-on-iran-threatens-fuel-supply/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonathan Graffam-O’Meara, PhD Candidate in Theatre, Monash University

Every Melburnian knows the West Gate Bridge, crossing the Yarra River north of its exit to Port Phillip Bay. It looms, it hums, it holds memory, it writhes.

You know the feeling – that perceptible flex when you’re stopped in traffic and the lanes moving the other way send a tremor through the deck. Unnerving. Oddly exciting.

For years I lived within walking distance, running beneath its great grey pylons in the early morning quiet, the city grinding awake above me. On the western bank, a memorial honours the 35 men who died when the bridge fell in 1970. It is part of Melbourne’s bones.

More than that, it’s an artery, one that for decades has carried the city’s working lifeblood from the west and back again, tens of thousands of times a day. The west is historically Melbourne’s labour country, home to tradies, nurses, warehouse workers, wharfies and migrant families who built this city with their hands. Cut that artery and the whole body suffers.

The collapse of the West Gate Bridge during construction in 1970 remains Australia’s worst industrial disaster. This history is now brought to the stage in Melbourne Theatre Company’s West Gate, directed by Iain Sinclair and written by Dennis McIntosh.

The organisational, and the personal

McIntosh’s drama unfolds across two registers.

The first is organisational: the bridge’s designer, Freeman Fox & Partners, is already a firm under pressure – their Cleddau Bridge in Wales had collapsed just four months prior, killing four workers. Company representative McAllister (Peter Houghton) arrives in Melbourne from Britain to steady the ship, assuring local crews he’s “no coffee sipping desk jockey”; he’s on the ground.

Meanwhile, he and other white-collar figures trade blame over mounting site problems while the labourers absorb the risk.

The second register is personal, and it is where the play finds its warmth.

At its heart is the budding friendship between Italian migrant Victor (Steve Bastoni) and Young Scrapper (Darcy Kent), an English lad who carries his father’s appetite for confrontation while quietly changing his name on his union card to distance himself from the shame of having a father awaiting parole. Victor’s wife is pregnant with their fourth child.

(The play is a little too deliberate in signposting which of the two men will not survive what is coming.)

The first half unfolds before an enormous concrete pylon dominating an otherwise bare stage. A lighting rig ascends and descends to suggest the levels on which the crew labour, lending a visceral sense of scale.

Christina Smith’s set and costume design capture a strong industrial aesthetic of the period, while Sinclair carves the stage into shifting pockets of action. Working with lighting designer Niklas Pajanti and sound designer Kelly Ryall, he gives the construction site a genuine sense of buzzing, dangerous momentum.

The inevitable bridge collapse is a moment of theatrical brilliance: breathtaking and shocking. The house plunges into darkness, pummelled by flashing lights, the roar of 2,000 tonnes of steel and concrete falling, and the chaos of recovering bodies.

Yet the sequence exposes a difficulty inherent in staging a spectacle drawn from real tragedy. On opening night some audience members applauded – an understandable response to remarkable stagecraft, but awkward given survivors and families of the dead were likely in the room.

Too little space for mourning

The second half centres the relationship between Young Scrapper and Victor’s newly widowed wife, Frankie (Daniela Farinacci), as they grapple with grief and uncertainty. These scenes, along with others featuring surviving bridge workers, are the play’s most human moments.

Yet McIntosh moves through them with a restlessness that undermines the weight of what has just occurred, pivoting toward something closer to a resilience narrative.

This attempt to spin heroes from victims feels more redemptive than honest.

Throughout, the writing leans on familiar types: the proud migrant, the larrikin labourer, the blustering company man. The actors struggle to build emotional nuance for their characters given the script’s tendency toward archetypes over individuals. Even Sinclair’s skilled direction can only do so much.

This, ultimately, is where West Gate falls short. The play keeps returning to cataloguing institutional failure – the jurisdictional disputes, the engineering errors, the accumulating warning signs of impending disaster. But documentary film handles this terrain more naturally; a 2020 50th anniversary documentary covers it with the rigour such material demands.

What theatre can do that documentary cannot is render loss at a human scale, asking audiences to sit with the emotional consequences of catastrophe, the grief that settles into families, the futures that never unfold. A death of this nature is not only a statistic; it is a traumatic rupture in a life and community.

West Gate gestures toward this dimension, but its return to procedural explanation leaves too little space for mourning to take hold. The production powerfully reconstructs the event, yet stops short of fully confronting the human devastation that lingers and marks the bridge’s legacy today.

West Gate is at Melbourne Theatre Company until April 18.

– ref. The West Gate Bridge disaster looms large over Melbourne. A new play can’t fully capture its grief – https://theconversation.com/the-west-gate-bridge-disaster-looms-large-over-melbourne-a-new-play-cant-fully-capture-its-grief-277229

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/the-west-gate-bridge-disaster-looms-large-over-melbourne-a-new-play-cant-fully-capture-its-grief-277229/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jack Wilson, Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Matilda Centre for Research in Mental Health and Substance Use, University of Sydney

The number of Australians using medicinal cannabis has surged over the past five years. Around 700,000 Australians have used cannabis for their health in the past year.

And since 2022, medicinal cannabis sales have increased four-fold. But the majority of products prescribed in the Australian market are not registered with the Therapeutic Goods Administration. This means they have not been rigorously tested.

So, is medicinal cannabis safe? And is it actually effective?

Our new research, published today in Lancet Psychiatry, is the largest ever review to look at the safety and effectiveness of medicinal cannabis for mental health and substance use disorders.

These make up six of the top ten reasons cannabis is prescribed, specifically: anxiety, sleep disorders, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), insomnia, depression, and attention deficit and hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).

But we found little evidence medicinal cannabis effectively treats these conditions. And while most side effects were mild to moderate, some serious questions about safety remain.

What evidence was available?

Between 1980 and 2025, we found 54 randomised controlled trials that looked at whether medicinal cannabis reduced or treated mental health disorders (including psychotic disorders, anxiety, insomnia, anorexia and PTSD) or substance use disorders (including cannabis, cocaine and opioids). This kind of trial is the gold standard for understanding the direct effects of a medicine.

The most common cannabinoid being evaluated was cannabidiol (CBD), followed by tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) and a combination of THC and CBD.

CBD is non-intoxicating and typically safe, whereas THC is psychoactive, and linked to harms in the short term, such as paranoia, and longer term, such as the development of a cannabis use disorder.

Cannabis may help people quit cannabis

We found cannabis medicines were no more effective than a placebo at treating symptoms of psychotic disorders (such as schizophrenia), anxiety, PTSD, anorexia or opioid use disorder.

However, there were promising findings that medicinal cannabis may be effective in reducing cannabis use among those with a cannabis use disorder.

While this may sound strange, the medicines largely consisted of an oil-based combination of CBD and THC that was taken orally. As these medicines reduce craving, patients may use less of their usual cannabis. So for people who regularly smoke high-THC cannabis, using medicinal cannabis instead may reduce their risk of related health problems, such as lung conditions.

But there are limitations

We must be careful when interpreting the positive findings.

For example, some evidence suggested medicinal cannabis could help treat symptoms associated with tic or Tourette’s syndrome, insomnia, and autism spectrum disorder. But only a small number of studies focused on these conditions and many were low quality.

In randomised controlled trials, we don’t want participants to know whether they are consuming the medicine or placebo. But as cannabis is often intoxicating, participants may be aware of what they have been given, and this can introduce bias.

Some of these studies also reported conflicts of interest, which may have influenced their results. So it may be too soon to tell whether medicinal cannabis is effective in treating these conditions.

How about safety?

The combined data showed cannabis medicines were linked to mild side effects such as nausea, dry mouth and fatigue.

But the risk of serious side effects, such as a psychotic episode, was no greater among those taking cannabis medicines or a placebo.

The data alone seems to suggest cannabis medicines are relatively safe. But this may not be reflected in real-world use.

The average length of treatment in these studies was only five weeks – and we know regular cannabis use can cause long-term harms.

One 2024 review found around one-quarter of those using medicinal cannabis will develop a cannabis use disorder. This is similar to the rate among those using cannabis for non-medical use.

The cannabis medicines used in these studies were also low in THC. But data from the TGA shows Australians have access to a wide range of cannabis medicines that are often high in THC content. Chronic consumption of high THC cannabis has been linked to a greater risk of worsening mental health symptoms, particularly among young people.

So what does this mean?

Similar reviews have been conducted in the past. But many focus on a smaller number of health conditions and have not combined data to reveal a single estimate.

Reviews have also commonly drawn conclusions on cannabis as a treatment for mental health when it was being used to treat other conditions, such as chronic pain.

Nevertheless, our findings are largely consistent with previous reviews: there is little evidence medicinal cannabis is an effective treatment for mental health and substance use disorders.

Currently, there is a mismatch between the research evidence on medicinal cannabis – mainly short-term trials and CBD formulations – and real-world use, which is longer term and often using high-THC products.

We need more research on cannabis medicines, particularly for conditions with limited alternative treatments, and monitoring over longer periods.

As the TGA conducts a review of medical cannabis prescribing in Australia, these findings should inform future regulation. The long-term use of these medicines could result in harm and delay the use of more effective treatments.

The takeaway

For those who believe their medicinal cannabis is beneficial for these conditions, our review does not mean to contradict your experience.

However, we encourage you to regularly discuss your circumstances with a doctor, and if possible, consider alternative evidence-based treatments.

– ref. Does medicinal cannabis work for depression, anxiety or PTSD? Our study says there’s no evidence – https://theconversation.com/does-medicinal-cannabis-work-for-depression-anxiety-or-ptsd-our-study-says-theres-no-evidence-278303

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/does-medicinal-cannabis-work-for-depression-anxiety-or-ptsd-our-study-says-theres-no-evidence-278303/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eylem Altuntas, Researcher, Speech & Language Development, The MARCS Institute for Brain, Behaviour and Development, Western Sydney University

Anyone who has spent time with a baby knows how unpredictable the first year can feel. One week a baby suddenly seems to “get” something new. The next week, that same response may disappear.

Parents often describe this as progress coming in bursts rather than in a straight line. These changes can be exciting to watch, but they can also raise questions. Did my baby forget? Did something go wrong?

Our new research, published in Language Learning and Development, suggests early language learning unfolds in much the same way. We found babies can pick up how speech sounds are made as early as four months old.

But this early ability does not simply grow stronger month by month. Instead, as babies move through the first year, the way they show what they know can change, even while learning continues quietly in the background.

Learning about speech

In earlier research, we showed babies as young as four months can learn patterns about how speech sounds are made.

After a short game involving two made-up “mini-languages”, four-month-olds could link what they had heard with what they later saw, even when the test was completely silent.

This told us babies were not just remembering individual sounds. They were picking up something more general about speech, such as whether sounds were made with the lips or with the tongue tip.

For many researchers, and for parents following this work, that raised a natural question: if babies can do this so early, what happens next?

Watching learning change over time

To find out, we followed the same babies over time and tested them again at seven and ten months. We also tested a separate group of ten-month-olds who had never seen the task before.

This allowed us to watch how learning changed within the same children, while also seeing how babies at the same age responded when everything was new.

The task itself was designed to be simple and engaging. Babies first learned links between made-up words and cartoon animals. For example, a word like “buviwa”, made using the lips, might always appear with a kangaroo, while a word like “dazolu”, made using the tongue tip, appeared with a kookaburra. Each “language” followed a clear pattern based on how its sounds were made.

Later, babies watched silent videos of a person speaking new words and then saw an animal image. Because the videos were silent, babies had to rely on what they had learned earlier, rather than matching sound and sight in the moment.

At four months, babies showed a clear response, paying closer attention when the talking face matched the animal they had learned. At seven months, this clear response was no longer there, which at first surprised us.

But at ten months, a different pattern emerged. Babies paid more attention when something did not match what they had learned. This response was especially clear in babies who were seeing the task for the first time, and became stronger when results from both ten-month-old groups were considered together.

Reorganising language systems

When we look at these findings together, the pattern starts to make sense.

Younger babies often prefer what feels familiar, while older babies tend to focus more on what is new or unexpected. Seven months appears to be a transitional period. Learning is still happening, but it is not expressed as a clear preference in either direction. Rather than signalling a loss of ability, the shift we see reflects a change in how babies respond as they mature.

This period of change fits with what is happening more broadly in babies’ lives. Between about seven and ten months, babies are becoming increasingly tuned to the sounds of the language they hear every day. They are also beginning to recognise common words and link sounds to meaning.

During this time, their language system is not just growing, it is reorganising. When that happens, learning can look uneven from the outside.

Many parents notice similar moments at home. A baby who once turned immediately toward a familiar voice may suddenly seem less responsive, only to show new signs of understanding weeks later.

These moments can be worrying, especially when progress is expected to be steady. Our findings suggest some of these changes may reflect learning in motion rather than learning lost.

Behaviour doesn’t always tell the full story

For parents, this work is a reminder that behaviour does not always tell the full story. If a baby doesn’t show a clear response at a particular age, it does not necessarily mean they have stopped learning or missed an important step.

For researchers and clinicians, the findings highlight the limits of relying on single tests at single ages. Early language learning is flexible and changing. To understand it properly, we need to look at how babies develop over time, not just how they perform at one moment.

Importantly, the results show babies don’t learn in a straight line, and quiet moments are not empty ones. Even when progress is hard to see, learning may still be unfolding, preparing the ground for what comes next.

– ref. Babies learn a lot in their first year. But their behaviour doesn’t always tell the full story – https://theconversation.com/babies-learn-a-lot-in-their-first-year-but-their-behaviour-doesnt-always-tell-the-full-story-274032

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/babies-learn-a-lot-in-their-first-year-but-their-behaviour-doesnt-always-tell-the-full-story-274032/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Plank, Professor in Applied Mathematics, University of Canterbury

Six years after COVID-19 first reached New Zealand, the country is experiencing its ninth wave of infections.

But the virus we are living with today behaves very differently from the one that caused the global emergency in 2020–22.

Large outbreaks can still occur, but thanks to widespread immunity built through vaccination and infection, COVID now behaves more like other respiratory viruses that circulate each year in our communities.

Hospital admissions are currently around half the level seen during most of last winter, which itself was below earlier waves.

Wastewater monitoring – which tracks fragments of the virus shed into sewage – similarly points to a longer-term year-on-year decline in COVID activity.

New Zealand no longer publishes up-to-date reporting of COVID-attributed deaths, but earlier data showed a clear downward trend. Deaths fell from a high of 2,766 in 2022 to 664 in 2024 and were tracking well under that level before reporting stopped in mid-2025.

Right now, there is no notable variant of the virus driving the bump in cases.

Instead, wastewater surveillance shows a “soup” of subvariants of the still-dominant Omicron strain circulating in the community, with NB.1.8.1 accounting for just over half of positive samples.

This means the current wave likely reflects a combination of waning immunity, increased indoor contact in schools and workplaces, and the continued evolution of variants that can partially evade existing immune protection.

How does COVID-19 now compare?

In terms of overall population impact, recent seasons suggest the burden of COVID in many countries is broadly similar to seasonal influenza. Both viruses cause substantial illness each year and place pressure on health systems.

For example, influenza is estimated to cause about 135 deaths per million people in an average year in New Zealand – roughly 700 deaths annually, although the impact varies considerably between seasons.

In the United States, data shows influenza has caused more hospitalisations than COVID since 2024.

None of this means COVID is harmless. Even relatively small waves can still cause many people to become sick and take time off work.

But it is no longer the threat it was in 2022. Both COVID and influenza remain dangerous viruses that cause significant illness and still pose a risk of severe disease and death in high-risk groups.

COVID-19 has become less severe over time largely because the population has built high levels of immunity over the past five years. At first this protection came mainly from vaccination, which played a crucial role in ending the acute phase of the pandemic and the need for disruptive lockdowns.

Since then, population protection has increasingly come from a combination of vaccination and previous infection – often referred to as “hybrid immunity”. Most people have now encountered the virus at least once, and many more than once, which broadens immune responses across different variants.

This has strengthened population immunity and reduced the likelihood that new variants will cause the same level of severe disease seen earlier in the pandemic. However, the virus continues to evolve and periodic waves of infection are likely to remain a feature of COVID for the foreseeable future.

Infection-acquired immunity to reinfection is neither perfect nor permanent. But, as with other endemic respiratory viruses, accumulated immunity from both vaccination and infection now plays the main role in reducing severe outcomes and limiting the scale of outbreaks.

However, as for any pathogen, gaining immunity through infection carries risks.

There is still a risk of severe illness, particularly for older adults and those with underlying conditions, and some people develop Long COVID, where symptoms can persist for weeks or months after infection.

Who should get boosted?

While it is impossible to eliminate the risk of infection entirely, vaccination remains a far safer way to boost immunity.

This is especially important for people at higher risk of severe illness, such as older adults and those with compromised immune systems.

In New Zealand, people aged 80 and over are more than 10 times as likely to be hospitalised for COVID than those under 60, and account for the majority of COVID deaths.

For these reasons, the Immunisation Advisory Centre recommends adults aged 75 and over, people over 65 living in residential care, and those who are severely immuno-compromised get their booster shots every six months.

Annual vaccination is recommended for other high-risk groups, including adults aged 65–74, Māori and Pacific people aged over 50, and anyone with underlying health conditions that increase the risk of severe disease.

Healthy adults aged 30–64 might also consider an annual vaccination, especially if they live with or care for vulnerable people. Most children do not need routine vaccination unless they have severe immune compromise or other high-risk conditions.

While “real-world” effectiveness data for the latest booster is still emerging, it is designed, like earlier vaccines, to better match circulating variants and uses the same vaccine platform with a strong safety record.

As with influenza, vaccination remains the best tool we have to reduce the spread of infection and the risk of severe sickness.

For those of us who develop symptoms, the message remains the same: stay home to protect your friends, colleagues and the wider community.

– ref. NZ’s 9th COVID-19 wave: why infections are rising – and how booster shots still help – https://theconversation.com/nzs-9th-covid-19-wave-why-infections-are-rising-and-how-booster-shots-still-help-278075

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/nzs-9th-covid-19-wave-why-infections-are-rising-and-how-booster-shots-still-help-278075/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Doyle, Lecturer in Ancient and Medieval History, University of Galway

Celebrated every year with swathes of green and pints of Guinness, Saint Patrick is the most famous of Ireland’s trio of patron saints (the others are Brigid and Colm Cille, aka Columba).

Saint Patrick’s story is well known. Not just because of the annual global phenomenon his feast day has become, but also thanks to a considerable body of original written evidence. Chief among this are his personal writings – the Confession and Letter to the Soldiers of Coroticus. But there are also many others – annals, biographies, hymns, poems – written centuries after his lifetime.

The standard story of Patrick goes like this. At some undetermined date in the 5th century AD, while the western Roman Empire collapsed politically, the teenage Patrick was kidnapped from his home in Britain, or possibly Gaul, by Irish raiders. He was then sold into slavery for six years where he tended sheep somewhere in Ireland until, with divine help, he escaped home to his family. Eventually, he felt compelled to return to Ireland and proselytise the Christian faith there. The rest is history, so some say.

But a lesser known story exists concerning not one, but two 5th century characters named (or assumed to be named) Patricius, or Patrick. According to one tradition, both men knew one another closely and were each involved in promulgating Christianity in Ireland.

The two Patricks

One of the earliest references to two Patricks is Saint Fiacc’s Hymn on the Life of Patrick. It was written in the 5th or 6th century but survives in an 8th-century manuscript. Fiacc, a professional royal poet turned bishop, wrote: “When Patrick departed [died], he went to visit the other Patrick and together they ascended to Jesus Son of Mary.”

The Martyrology of Tallaght, an 8th or 9th century calendar of saints’ feast days, gives August 24 as the commemorative date for “Old Patrick … beloved foster father/mentor”. The Annals of Ulster, meanwhile, records the “repose of the elder Patrick, as some books state” in 457.

There are also Irish and continental references to an official papal mission to Ireland in AD431, led by a man named Palladius. But, to further complicate matters, another annular entry, albeit retrospectively added, says that Patrick came to Ireland in AD432, the year after Palladius.

Researchers have tentatively investigated whether this Palladius was either surnamed Patricius, or had had his life and work conflated with the later Patricius.

An even later entry in the 9th century Book of Armagh states that Palladius was “Patrick by another name”.

This small sample of evidence for another Patrick is by no means conclusive. But it makes a good case for two original Patricks operating in Ireland about the same time – a father figure mentoring his younger charge perhaps.

Such relationships were common in early Ireland. Long before Christianity’s arrival on Irish shores, fosterage had been an integral and widespread social institution. The early Irish church adapted the custom to its own organisation, thereby allowing senior clerics, men and women, to assume parental roles for their novices.

Even the Latin name Patricius, with its paternal connotations, suggests this. However, there are other meanings for such a name, including a predecessor. In the Roman world, though, Patricius could be a personal name or an honorific title indicating senior political or military rank. Any of these definitions of the name go some way to understanding the interchangeability of Patricius and Palladius in the early written record.

Why do we only celebrate one Patrick?

So, if there is evidence for two distinct Patricks, each with their own cult following and feast day, how did they merge into one singular tradition? The transition really begins in late 7th century Armagh, a powerful Christian establishment in the north of Ireland.

Armagh’s ecclesiastic authorities sought control over all the Irish churches. Arguing for the legitimacy of its claim, Armagh propagandists, like Muirchú, enhanced its Patrician connections by incorporating all Patrician traditions into one cohesive story. Essentially, enter the official Patrick, with a March 17 feast day, ready to banish snakes.

Historically, scholarly opinion over the two Patricks’ story has been mixed. In 1942, Thomas F. O’Rahilly revived a much earlier theory arguing coherently for the existence of two Patricks. His thesis, while attracting supporters, ignited a controversy that descended into rancour and farce, culminating in a libel case taken against a popular journalist who poked fun at the debate. To some extent, the argument over an original dual Patrician tradition has still not gone away.

Today, however, there is a general openness among modern scholars to at least the possibility of two Patricks. Though, sadly, it probably won’t give the world an extra Saint Patrick’s Day every year.

– ref. Saint Patrick’s Day and the mystery of the second Patrick – https://theconversation.com/saint-patricks-day-and-the-mystery-of-the-second-patrick-277404

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/saint-patricks-day-and-the-mystery-of-the-second-patrick-277404/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Luis Freijo, Research Associate in Film Studies, King’s College London

The 2026 Academy Awards revealed a striking contradiction. Many of the winning films grapple with urgent contemporary issues, or difficult questions of historical memory. Yet their makers avoided following up on that political character in their acceptance speeches.

This paradox is revealing of the current political mood in Hollywood: filmmakers are willing to engage with politics in their work, but reluctant to raise their own voices.

It makes for a puzzling irony that contrasts with the attitude of, for instance, the music industry in the Grammy Awards. In a year of tariffs, Epstein files, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) shootings and military interventions in Venezuela and Iran, the show’s host, comedian Conan O’Brien, kept the political references contained to harmless jokes.

For instance, O’Brien mentioned the tighter security for the gala, appearing to reference the FBI’s warning of possible drone attacks against the US west coast. But the nod quickly revealed itself as a pun about actor Timothée Chalamet’s recent declaration that “no one cares” about ballet and opera.

Even some of the more political speeches, such as Michael B. Jordan’s mention of the Black actors that preceded him when accepting the best actor Oscar, kept to industry boundaries.

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Only comedian Jimmy Kimmel, whose show Jimmy Kimmel Live! has become strongly critical of President Donald Trump, obliquely mentioned his looming presence when presenting the best feature documentary award.

Politics of the nominated films

This attitude is glaringly detached from what this year’s nominees communicate in their films.

Bugonia, directed by Yorgos Lanthimos, poked at conspiracy theories through its kidnapping plot. The constant ping-pong hustle of Marty Supreme returned to the foundational moment of US capitalism in the 1950s and pointed out that it was already rotten way before Reaganomics and Trump. The Secret Agent, meanwhile, set its thriller story against the historical memory of the dictatorship in Brazil.

The two main winners of the night were also the most political films. Joyfully disguised behind the vampire film conventions and musical performances of Sinners lies a condemnation of ongoing racism in the US. But the film also proposes blues music as an alternative way to experience the world and create loving and protective connections between its inhabitants.

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Read more: Sinners: how real stories of Irish and Choctaw oppression inform the film

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In this sense, Delroy Lindo’s performance as ageing blues singer Delta Slim centres the political core of the film. His retelling of a friend’s murder by lynching is first a lament, then rhythm and finally blues.

Lindo competed for best supporting actor against Sean Penn, whose winning work in One Battle After Another became relevant when it started to overlap with the media presence of Greg Bovino, commander-at-large of the US Border Patrol. Under Bovino’s command two US citizens were shot by Ice in Minneapolis in January.

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One Battle After Another recaptures the political spirit of 1970s US films such as The Three Days of the Condor (1975), Network (1976) and All the President’s Men (1976). These films reacted against the consequences of the Vietnam War and President Richard Nixon’s resignation in the 1970s. One Battle After Another brings to the present their activist attitude to oppose our contemporary political challenges.

The film’s chilling depiction of state violence against its own citizens connected with the events in Minneapolis and showed how relevant cinema can be when aimed at those in power. But the film had to speak for itself: its director, writer and producer, Paul Thomas Anderson, carefully avoided any direct mention of Trump, Ice or Minneapolis in his three acceptance speeches (for best adapted screenplay, director and film). And Sean Penn, whose political activism as a friend of Hugo Chávez or in favour of Ukraine has often made Hollywood uncomfortable, chose not to attend the ceremony.

Why nominees stayed silent

The reasons for the lack of politics at the awards may be found in the current industrial climate in the US. In September 2025, the Federal Communications Commission took Jimmy Kimmel Live! off the air for a few days, and continues to threaten to do it again. The industry chatter also believes Trump to be responsible for CBS’ decision to not renew The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, another critical outlet.

The possible acquisition, meanwhile, of Warner Bros. by Paramount, presided over by Trump’s ally David Ellison, follows Amazon’s purchase of MGM and Disney buying Twentieth Century Fox. The industrial landscape is concentrating in a handful of technological tycoons. They may may not take kindly to political activism when funding future projects.

The only political voice that was pointedly raised in the Oscars this year belonged to Spanish actor Javier Bardem.

Bardem appeared on stage to present the best international picture award sporting a lapel that said: “No a la Guerra” – no to war. He had worn the same lapel over 20 years ago when the Spanish Film Academy Awards in 2003 became a loud and clear indictment to Spain’s involvement in the Iraq war.

Bardem left a clear message as he introduced the award: “No to war and Free Palestine.” While films such as this year’s extraordinary intake can and do speak for themselves, the gravity of the moment requires that those who make them join with their own voices.

Bardem’s dissonant appeal reveals where Hollywood’s politics currently lie. They are caught between making committed films and a fear of what the country’s politics will bring.

– ref. What the 2026 Oscars revealed about the current political mood in Hollywood – https://theconversation.com/what-the-2026-oscars-revealed-about-the-current-political-mood-in-hollywood-278495

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/what-the-2026-oscars-revealed-about-the-current-political-mood-in-hollywood-278495/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jason M. Lodge, Director of the Learning, Instruction & Technology Lab and Professor of Educational Psychology, School of Education, The University of Queensland

In Australia, artificial intelligence is becoming a near-universal feature of education.

As of 2025, nearly 80% of university students reported using AI in their studies. Overseas, reports are even higher. This year, a UK survey of undergraduates found 94% were using it to help with assessed work.

This has ushered in widespread concerns about students using AI to cheat on their work and exams. But in a new report with colleague Leslie Loble, we argue there is a far greater risk.

There is a growing body of evidence that suggests using AI can undermine the effort required for sustainable, deep learning. This so-called “cognitive offloading” from human to AI is especially risky for younger students as they are still building their basic knowledge and skills.

The ‘performance paradox’

Our report highlights a phenomenon known as the “performance paradox”. This is where students’ short-term performance on tasks may improve with AI. But their long-term learning is being harmed.

An example of this is seen in a 2025 randomised experiment with high school students in Turkey using an AI assistant (that could tutor them through answers). In classroom tasks, they appeared to solve maths problems more effectively using AI. However, their actual learning fell off a cliff as soon as the AI was removed in an assessment.

These findings suggest while AI can boost immediate results, it can simultaneously diminish the durable knowledge that is the true goal of education. In the meantime, students can overestimate how much they have learned. AI gives them the illusion of competence.

AI is so easy to use

Generative AI can certainly provide clear, polished responses to students. Research tells us this can signal to the learner that deep mental engagement is no longer necessary.

This same research also shows students are then less likely to plan, monitor and revise their work. This is because the tool is doing this for them.

This situation creates a cycle where the ease of AI-generated responses erodes a student’s actual knowledge base, making them more dependent on the tool and less able to judge its accuracy in the future.

Critical thinking is not a generic skill – it is deeply intertwined with knowledge.

In other words, it is difficult to critically analyse a response about the second world war (is it biased? Have they got the dates wrong?) if you don’t know anything much about the different participants and their perspectives.

How can we respond?

To address this, universities and teachers must move from treating AI as an “answer oracle” to using it as a partner in thinking and learning. There are two key ways to do this.

• Use AI to offload extraneous tasks – such as checking grammar or formatting citations. This frees up mental space to concentrate on learning. But is not relying on the AI to tell students what or how to think.

• Use as AI as a “cognitive mirror”. Instead of giving answers, the AI asks clarifying questions. This forces the student to engage in explanation, which helps them build lasting learning. For example, if a student provides a vague argument in an essay, the AI might ask them to define their core assumptions more specifically.

Most importantly, the development of AI tools must focus on helping and building the teacher’s capacity, not just the students’ immediate performance. As powerful as AI might be, humans learn better with and from other humans.

By giving AI tools to expert teachers to help them increase their capacity, we ensure technology bolsters student learning. For example, AI could be used to analyse student performance data in real-time to highlight which small groups or individuals need a human intervention most urgently.

What is this all for?

Education systems need to help students understand and be comfortable with the fact that long-term learning can take time and needs effort. If AI is used to replace the struggle of learning, there is a risk of the erosion of cognitive skills.

The goal here is not to protect students from AI but to prepare them to live and work with it.

– ref. Almost 80% of Australian uni students now use AI. This is creating an ‘illusion of competence’ – https://theconversation.com/almost-80-of-australian-uni-students-now-use-ai-this-is-creating-an-illusion-of-competence-278413

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/almost-80-of-australian-uni-students-now-use-ai-this-is-creating-an-illusion-of-competence-278413/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cameron Webb, Clinical Associate Professor, School of Medical Science & Sydney Infectious Diseases Institute; Principal Hospital Scientist, University of Sydney

A number of cases of the flesh-eating Buruli ulcer have now been detected on the New South Wales south coast.

There is growing evidence mosquitoes are at least partly responsible for the spread of this “flesh-eating” bacteria, with possums also implicated. Health authorities have urged locals to avoid mosquito bites.

Cases of Buruli ulcer are usually concentrated to parts of Victoria. So why is it being found in NSW? And how does a mozzie bite turn into a flesh-eating ulcer?

Here’s what we know about this bacteria, how it spreads, and how you can prevent and treat these ulcers.

It starts as a painless mozzie bite

The bacterium Mycobacterium ulcerans is responsible for a skin infection known as Buruli ulcer.

It can take a long time after infection before the symptoms show. Over many months, what may first look like a small, painless mosquito bite develops into a disfiguring ulcer that, if left untreated, can continue increasing in size.

Treatment is readily available. This usually involves a six to eight week course of specific antibiotics, sometimes supported with surgery to remove the infected tissue. However, delays can make it more difficult to treat.

Where does it come from?

Buruli ulcer has been reported in more than 30 countries including in Africa, South America and the Western Pacific.

In Australia, Buruli ulcer has been reported in several states, including Queensland, NSW and Northern Territory but most activity has been in Victoria.

In Australia, possums can play a role in the spread of Mycobacterium ulcerans. They act as “reservoirs” of the pathogen, from which it can spread to people.

Possums themselves can also suffer symptoms of infection, with ulcers similar to those in humans.

How it gets from possums to people

There are likely a number of different ways to get infected. But research shows mosquitoes may be a key culprit.

For many years, there has been evidence of Mycobacterium ulcerans in mosquitoes collected from trapping programs. This includes the types of mosquitoes that commonly bite people.

Most recently, the studies took the analysis further with genomic testing linking Mycobacterium ulcerans to possums, people and mosquitoes.

The mosquito of greatest concern is widespread in Australia and closely associated with suburban areas. Commonly known as the Australian backyard mosquito, Aedes notoscriptus is a nuisance-biting pest and has been implicated in the spread of pathogens such as Ross River virus.

Buruli ulcer cases have been reported in areas were both mosquitoes and possums carry Mycobacterium ulcerans.

Are cases on the rise?

Since the ulcers were first described in the Bairnsdale region of Victoria in the 1940s, there has been a rise in both the number of cases and where they’re found.

In 2006, the first case was reported in NSW. A small cluster of cases was then reported on the NSW South Coast in 2023.

Does this mean the bacteria is spreading north from Victoria? Perhaps not.

A detailed genomic analysis of the NSW cases demonstrated they were genetically distinct from those prevalent in Victoria. Rather than a gradual march north from Victoria, this suggests there has been activity in the region for many years.

If NSW follows Victoria’s pattern, we may see reports of cases start out slowly in specific regions, such as Batemans Bay, before increasing and then spreading to new areas.

Can authorities predict where cases will spread to next?

NSW Health manages an extensive network of mosquito monitoring locations across the state. This network allows authorities to track mosquito populations and track any activity of mosquito-borne pathogens.

But while this program is good at providing an early warning of viral pathogens such as the Ross River, Japanese encephalitis, or Murray Valley encephalitis viruses, testing mosquitoes hasn’t been shown to be as reliable in detecting Mycobacterium ulcerans.

Recent studies found there could be a delay of up to six years between the arrival of the pathogen and infection of people in new areas.

Rather than looking at testing mosquitoes, this study suggests surveys of possum poo may be a more effective way to survey for new activity of Mycobacterium ulcerans.

How can I protect myself and family?

Outbreaks of “flesh eating” bacteria sound dramatic, especially as there’s no vaccine. But don’t panic: the steps you take to prevent infection are the same you follow to stop nuisance-biting mosquitoes and other mosquito-borne diseases.

When outdoors, use insect repellent on exposed skin to stop mosquito bites and cover up with long-sleeved shirt, long pants and covered shoes.

It’s also important to stop mosquitoes buzzing about your backyard. Mosquitoes, especially Aedes notoscriptus, lay eggs wherever water collects after rainfall. This could be bird baths, drains, sump pits, potted plant saucers and a wide range of containers.

Clean out your gutters and drains so water flows easily out of them and throw away any containers collecting water. Make sure your rainwater tank is screened too.

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Read more: It’s warming up and mozzies are coming. Here’s how to mosquito-proof your backyard

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– ref. Flesh-eating bacteria spread from possums and mozzies. But Buruli ulcers are preventable and treatable – https://theconversation.com/flesh-eating-bacteria-spread-from-possums-and-mozzies-but-buruli-ulcers-are-preventable-and-treatable-278094

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/flesh-eating-bacteria-spread-from-possums-and-mozzies-but-buruli-ulcers-are-preventable-and-treatable-278094/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hassan F. Gholipour, Associate Professor of Property, Western Sydney University

Once a small fishing and pearling village, Dubai has grown to become a major financial, commercial and tourism hub in the Middle East.

It is the second-largest (behind Abu Dhabi) of the seven emirates that make up the United Arab Emirates (UAE). For decades, its economic success has rested on a promise: that the city would remain stable even when the region is not.

By marketing itself as a “safe haven” for the global elite, with tax-free luxury and strong security, the emirate separated its image from the volatility of its neighbours. Now, as major conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran rolls on, Dubai’s brand is under threat.

Real estate development is a cornerstone of the city’s ascent – and a powerful symbol of the willingness of foreign investors to finance it. If this confidence is shaken for too long, Dubai faces a reckoning.

Reliance on real estate

Property has become a key pillar of Dubai’s economy. Combined, the emirate’s real estate and construction sectors contribute about 15% of its gross domestic product (GDP).

Dubai has quickly become a top destination for foreign real estate investors. Its high rental returns, tax-friendly rules and open property market make it especially attractive. There are also pathways to become a resident of the UAE by investing in property.

Foreign investment in UAE real estate, especially in Dubai, made up about a quarter of the country’s foreign investment in 2022.

According to the EU Tax Observatory, India, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran are among the top countries investing in Dubai’s residential real estate, commercial real estate, land and off-the-plan properties.

The same figures show Australians owned 1,497 Dubai residential properties in 2022, with a combined value of US$785.2 million (A$1.1 billion).

Shattered beliefs

For the first time, missiles and drones have hit landmarks that define the “Dubai brand”, such as the Burj Al Arab, Fairmont The Palm and Dubai International Airport.

A key question for Dubai is whether the city’s real estate sector can withstand the loss of its safe-haven status.

Already, we’re seeing a sudden shift to what financial market traders call a “risk-off” mood – where investors move to safer assets. Figures from the Dubai Land Department show in the first full week of the conflict, the number of property market transactions fell by half.

This volatility was also seen in the stock markets. The Dubai Financial Market Real Estate Index fell more than 17% in the early days of the conflict.

Why Dubai is so exposed

Dubai’s economy relies heavily on the confidence of foreigners. Around 90% of its residents are non-Emirati, reflecting the city’s long-standing openness to expats who live and do business there.

Foreign nationals own roughly 43% of the total value of all residential property in the city.

Dubai’s property sector has weathered shocks before. After steep falls in the global financial crisis of 2008, the market reportedly took 6–7 years to recover. It bounced back much more rapidly after the COVID pandemic, recovering within 12 to 18 months.

However, those past events were economic or health shocks. The current crisis is a security shock. As analysts note, Dubai’s economy depends on expats providing capital and labour. If people no longer feel safe, many could leave the city.

This would put the entire model at risk, because foreign confidence is what keeps businesses and investment in place.

An expat exodus and property oversupply

In recent years, Dubai has been a magnet for relocating millionaires. Reports now indicate a scramble to leave – including a spike in demand for private jets in the immediate aftermath of strikes.

Following attacks on Iran’s banking system and subsequent threats by Tehran, Citigroup and Standard Chartered have reportedly started evacuating their offices in Dubai. Some major global consulting firms have taken similar actions.

Even before the security situation deteriorated, some analysts were warning of an “overheating” property market. The conflict has erupted just as a huge wave of new residences is due to begin hitting the market.

If foreign interest remains suppressed, the emirate could face a massive inventory of luxury villas and “off-plan” apartments with no buyers.

What’s next?

If this war continues, and so does mistrust between Iran and the UAE, the very openness that built “brand Dubai” could become its greatest weakness. International capital moves quickly, and missile and drone attacks may already be driving investors to safer markets.

This war has shown stability in the Persian Gulf cannot rely on deterrence or foreign troops alone. The region must rebuild trust, reject further militarisation, and gradually remove foreign bases that make neighbours vulnerable.

Once the conflict is over, a practical step would be for the Gulf states to cooperate with Iran and help rebuild infrastructure damaged by attacks from bases on their soil. Only through such regional accommodation can the Persian Gulf restore the security its economy depends on.

– ref. Real estate powered Dubai’s rise as a magnet for expats. Can its brand survive this war? – https://theconversation.com/real-estate-powered-dubais-rise-as-a-magnet-for-expats-can-its-brand-survive-this-war-278090

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/real-estate-powered-dubais-rise-as-a-magnet-for-expats-can-its-brand-survive-this-war-278090/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Allan Elton, Doctoral researcher, Australian National University

Without fanfare, the Australian government has published the latest snapshot on its progress toward halting and reversing the loss of Australia’s biodiversity – our unique wildlife, plants and nature – by 2030. This report on Australia’s progress under the Global Biodiversity Framework is a self-assessment, and the Australian government has given itself a glowing report card.

We examined the claims in this report, called the Seventh Report to the UN’s Convention on Biological Diversity. And we found the government has been unjustifiably optimistic, rewarding itself for “intentions” and promises so it can claim we are on track.

This is wrong. Ecosystems are being left to degrade, rare and precious species are sliding toward extinction, and billions of dollars are being used to quietly fund subsidies, including for fossil fuels, which contribute to the very destruction the government claims to be fixing.

Our last national report into Australia’s State of the Environment found the condition of the environment was poor and deteriorating. It is more pressing than ever the government drops the spin and gets on with the hard work of addressing the existential threat of biodiversity loss.

Here are four key targets in the report that expose the real story:

1. Restoration: not enough done, and the report knows it

Target 2 of the Global Biodiversity Framework, which calls for the restoration of degraded ecosystems, is one of only two targets the report rates below “on track”. The target requires at least 30% of degraded ecosystems to be under effective restoration by 2030. The report does not even quantify how much Australia is falling behind this target. This is a significant omission: data and modelling tools exist to estimate the extent of degraded ecosystems across Australia, and independent research has done exactly that.

The government also says it is spending hundreds of millions on restoration. But independent research puts the annual cost of restoring Australia’s terrestrial, freshwater and coastal ecosystems in the billions.

2. Protected areas: national figures mask failures

The report claims Australia is “on track” to meet Target 3, or the 30 by 30 target, which aims to protect 30% of Australia’s land by the end of the decade. It states 25% of land and 52% of ocean are under some form of protection. But these figures are seriously misleading.

The framework does not just require 30% protection measured nationally. The protected area system is also supposed to be ecologically representative and “well-connected”, not simply a national land area target.

Australia’s marine protected areas illustrate this issue perfectly. While 52% of Australia’s ocean is formally protected, only 24% is zoned for high protection. Many marine ecosystems remain inadequately represented, for example temperate rocky reefs and kelp forests along the Great Southern Reef.

In 2018, the Commonwealth systematically downgraded marine park protections, reducing the extent of highly protected “no-take” fishing zones and reopening areas to commercial fishing. The more recent shift to a 30% highly protected marine target is welcome, but it reframes the goal without ensuring a variety of marine environments are included.

3. Threatened species: declining, not recovering

Australia is on track to prevent new extinctions under Target 4, the report claims. This is largely anchored in the fact no species are known to have become extinct since the 2022 “no new extinctions” commitment. This is a weak basis for the rating.

Australia already holds the world’s worst record for modern mammal extinctions – 38 species lost since colonisation, more than any other country. Against that grim inheritance, having no further extinctions (that we know about) is a remarkably low bar.

4. Harmful fossil fuel subsidies hidden, conservation spending inflated

Target 18 requires nations to identify subsidies harmful to biodiversity by 2025. The Australian government’s response? It explicitly excludes fossil fuel subsidies from its assessment, and identifies roughly $1.1 billion across agricultural and fisheries categories.

For the first time, research published this year, identified 36 federal subsidies worth $26.3 billion annually that are potentially harmful to biodiversity. Fossil fuel subsidies alone account for $14.1 billion. It is extraordinary the Australian Government believes it can exclude fossil fuel subsidies on the basis of a technicality. Meanwhile, independent estimates place federal biodiversity conservation spending at below $1 billion annually.

The arithmetic is stark: the government spent more than $26 billion a year on harming nature, less than $1 billion conserving it. No government serious about halting biodiversity loss would preside over such an imbalance and say they were “on track”.

Australians deserve an honest account

Serious weaknesses have previously been identified in Australia’s 2022 Strategy for Nature. It is full of vague intentions without clearly defined targets, accountability, timelines and measures of progress. A promised implementation plan is also still missing, more than three years later.

This new report confirms those weaknesses extend to Australia’s self-assessment, which lacks the rigour and ambition the nature crisis demands.

The reforms of Australia’s nature laws, passed in late 2025, are the most significant in a generation, and we welcome them. But legislation without implementation, adequate funding or a delivery plan is not enough.

This important report – with its hidden subsidies, inflated spending figures, missing implementation plan, and a definition of “on track” that mistakes promises for progress – is not worthy of a nation with both the means and the obligation to lead.

– ref. Australia claims it is ‘on track’ to save nature. We disagree – https://theconversation.com/australia-claims-it-is-on-track-to-save-nature-we-disagree-278081

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/australia-claims-it-is-on-track-to-save-nature-we-disagree-278081/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendon Dunphy, Associate Professor in Marine Biology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Some seabirds breeding in New Zealand’s largest marine park struggled to raise chicks this summer, most likely because climate change is forcing them to travel too far in search of food.

The Hauraki Gulf Tīkapa Moana is a global hotspot for seabirds. About 70 species breed and forage there, and five breed nowhere else in the world.

Our team has been monitoring nests of diving petrels and fluttering shearwaters in the gulf since October last year. We observed a 50% failure rate in the 13 fluttering shearwater nests we monitored at Tāwharanui, north of Auckland, compared to the usual rate of 36%.

In 2019, fluttering shearwaters in the gulf were foraging and returning to the nest daily, but in December 2025, they were disappearing for as long as 12 days. The adult birds left their nests for so long, we wondered if the colony could be wiped out.

Four of the adult shearwaters abandoned their nesting boxes, typically a sign they can’t find enough food to survive and feed their chicks. GPS tracking showed birds were making foraging trips as far as North Cape, more than 200 kilometres away.

Usually, shearwater parents rotate shifts, with one sitting on the egg, while the other flies out to forage, then swapping every day or two. But if there’s not enough food, the parent sitting on the egg can get too hungry to stay and will go to sea to feed.

Without a parent incubating the eggs, the development of chicks slows down because it is cooler for longer periods. Fluttering shearwater chicks in the gulf usually hatch between late October and the end of November, but this season hatching didn’t begin until late November.

Some shearwaters were sitting on eggs until mid-December, possibly because the eggs had been left to cool more often while the parents searched long distances for food.

This unusually late hatching is concerning because it is so different from what has been recorded previously for the species in the Hauraki Gulf. Our monitoring studies this summer show the outlook for these seabirds is bleaker than expected.

Late hatching, smaller chicks

We also observed diving petrel chicks hatching up to a month later than usual on Tiritiri Matangi Island.

We recorded lower than average weights among the 15 diving petrel chicks we monitored. They were a lot lighter than normal when they left their nests and therefore had less energy reserves. This may reduce their survival rate.

Seabirds are sensitive to changes in the ocean and offer an early warning of shifts that will affect other species in the Hauraki Gulf.

The global ocean is taking up more than 90% of the excess energy generated by rising carbon emissions, equal to 25 billion Hiroshima bombs since the 1960s. Marine heatwaves are already occurring more frequently, including in the Hauraki Gulf.

Warmer seawater affects zooplankton (tiny, drifting animals) in a number of ways. It drives them further south as they seek cooler waters and they become smaller and less nutritious.

This change in zooplankton disrupts the whole food web, including fish and seabirds. The impacts on seabirds are easy to observe, but everything in the gulf reliant on zooplankton will be affected.

We’re hoping some species will be able to cope with the higher ocean temperatures, but the warming already has a dramatic impact on the species we’ve monitored.

More and longer heatwaves in the gulf

If current emissions of carbon dioxide continue unabated, the World Meteorological Organisation projects global average temperatures will exceed 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels in the next five years.

Since 1982, the global ocean surface has been warming by up to 0.26°C per decade on average.

New Zealand has some of the fastest warming waters on the planet and the number of marine heatwaves has been rising in the Hauraki Gulf since 2012. In 2022, the gulf experienced its longest marine heatwave thus far and the warming trend continues.

Apart from ocean warming and changes to zooplankton, seabirds are also affected by fisheries, particularly commercial fishing with purse seine nets that strip life from the sea.

While recently introduced legislation almost triples the protected area in the Hauraki Gulf and the Coromandel peninsula, some forms of commercial fishing will continue in some of the newly protected areas.

Large shoals of big fish such as trevally and kahawai used to push up small fish and zooplankton to the surface frequently in the gulf. Seabirds could feast on these “boil-ups” but they have dwindled in size and frequency, making it harder for seabirds to feed themselves and growing chicks.

Coastal marine reserves work wonders, but many of the large fish that push prey to the surface are migratory. In order to protect migratory fish, marine protection would need to be mobile and seasonal. GPS tracking could indicate where seabirds are feeding and where temporary protection is needed.

Some change in the gulf is likely inevitable. But it is important to make these waters as naturally resilient as possible by minimising other human impacts, including sedimentation, pollution and overfishing.

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We would like to acknowledge the contribution by Isabella Brown, who monitored diving petrels during the breeding season as part of her MSc research, and the Explore Group for supporting her access to Tiritiri Matangi.

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– ref. Seabirds struggled to raise chicks in the Hauraki Gulf this summer. What happened? – https://theconversation.com/seabirds-struggled-to-raise-chicks-in-the-hauraki-gulf-this-summer-what-happened-278086

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/seabirds-struggled-to-raise-chicks-in-the-hauraki-gulf-this-summer-what-happened-278086/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kliti Grice, John Curtin Distinguished Professor of Organic and Isotope Geochemistry, Curtin University

A new study reveals all five fundamental nucleobases – the molecular “letters” of life – have been detected in samples from the asteroid Ryugu.

Asteroid particles offer a glimpse into the chemical ingredients that may have helped kindle life on Earth. The Ryugu samples were returned from space in 2020 by Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency’s (JAXA) Hayabusa2 mission.

In 2023, an international team reported they had found one of the nucleobases in these samples – uracil. Now, in a study published in Nature Astronomy today, a team of Japanese scientists has confirmed all five nucleobases are present in this pristine asteroid material.

This means these ingredients for life may have been widespread throughout the Solar System in its early years.

Why look for nucleobases?

Nucleobases are nitrogen-containing organic molecules that form the “letters” of genetic information in DNA and RNA. The five main nucleobases are adenine and guanine (known as purines), as well as cytosine, thymine and uracil (known as pyrimidines).

These molecules combine with sugars and phosphates to yield nucleotides – the building blocks of genetic material. Without nucleobases, the genetic code that allows organisms to grow, reproduce and evolve would not exist.

By studying purines and pyrimidines in Ryugu samples, scientists can reconstruct the chemical history of primitive asteroids. In turn, this gives us a better understanding of how the building blocks of life may have been formed and existed across the Solar System.

Hayabusa2 delivered a total of 5.4 grams of pristine asteroid material. Researchers have to use ultra-clean lab conditions to avoid contaminating it. They extracted organic molecules using water and hydrocholoric acid, and then purified them for further detection.

They found all five nucleobases in the two Ryugu samples they analysed, in roughly similar amounts.

Key components of genetic material – in space

The new results align with previous findings on space rocks. The Murchison meteorite that fell in Australia in 1969, and the Orgueil meteorite in France, 1864, have previously yielded a rich variety of organic molecules, including nucleobases.

Of course, meteorites that land on Earth can be contaminated by their journey and landing. But pristine samples from NASA’s mission to asteroid Bennu also yielded all five nucleobases in 2025.

Asteroids such as Ryugu, Bennu, and the parent body of the Orgueil meteorite are remnants of the early Solar System. They can preserve materials largely unchanged for about 4.5 billion years.

Interestingly, these asteroids show chemical differences. Murchison is enriched in purines, while Bennu and Orgueil contain more pyrimidines. It is thought this balance may be influenced by ammonia, a key molecule that can shape which nucleobases can form.

By peering into Ryugu’s relatively pristine samples and comparing them with meteorites like Murchison and Orgueil, researchers are tracing the cosmic journey of life’s probable molecular ingredients.

Their results suggest key components of genetic material may have formed in space and later delivered to the early Earth. In other words, the story of life on our planet may be deeply connected to the chemistry of such ancient asteroids.

A path for the ingredients of life

Together, these discoveries show that carbon-rich asteroids throughout the Solar System contain diverse prebiotic chemistry. However, the precise mixture of molecules – such as the balance between purines and pyrimidines – varies depending on the asteroid’s chemical environment and history.

Because the Ryugu samples were collected directly in space and protected from Earth’s contamination, they provide one of the clearest views of ancient Solar System chemistry.

The discovery of all five nucleobases on Ryugu suggests the molecular ingredients of life may have been already forming in space billions of years ago. Asteroids may have helped deliver those ingredients to the early Earth – making the origin of life part of a much larger cosmic chemical story.

– ref. All 5 fundamental units of life’s genetic code were just discovered in an asteroid sample – https://theconversation.com/all-5-fundamental-units-of-lifes-genetic-code-were-just-discovered-in-an-asteroid-sample-278099

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/all-5-fundamental-units-of-lifes-genetic-code-were-just-discovered-in-an-asteroid-sample-278099/

Asia Pacific Report

The United States and Fiji have filed separate declarations of intervention in South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), alleging the country is committing genocide in Gaza.

While the US explicitly rejects the allegation that Israel is committing genocide, Fiji raises issues about how the 1948 Genocide Convention should be interpreted.

The 34-page Fiji declaration was filed on March 12 and is signed by Ambassador Ilaitia Tamata, Fiji’s Permanent Representative of Fiji to the United Nations and other international organisations in Geneva, reports The Fiji Times.

In the declaration, Fiji said it was exercising its right under Article 63(2) of the ICJ Statute to intervene as a party to the Convention, arguing that the case raises important questions about how it should be interpreted.

The filing confirms that Fiji has appointed its Permanent Representative to Israel, Ambassador Filipo Tarakinikini, as agent for the proceedings.

The Fiji filing was made alongside separate interventions by Namibia and Hungary, according to a press release issued by the court on Friday, reports Middle East Eye.

All four states submitted declarations under Article 63 of the ICJ statute, which allows countries that are parties to a treaty under dispute to intervene in order to present their interpretation of that treaty.

Iceland, Netherlands also file
Earlier on Thursday, Iceland and the Netherlands also filed declarations under Article 63.

South Africa filed the case in December 2023, accusing Israel of breaching the Genocide Convention through its military campaign in Gaza following the Hamas-led attacks of  October 7 that year.

Pretoria argues that Israel’s conduct — including mass killings, destruction of infrastructure and the imposition of conditions of life threatening the survival of Palestinians in Gaza — amounts to genocide.

Israel denies the accusation and claims its war is justified by considerations of self-defence.

The US submission on Thursday stands out among most interventions for directly defending Israel against the accusation brought by South Africa. Taking sides in a case is highly unconventional under Article 63 submissions.

“It’s very unusual for an intervening state (US) to use language like that,” explained Professor Gerhard Kemp, a scholar of international law.

“States normally stick to the legal issues, which can even be helpful for both sides. But terms like ‘false’ or ‘wrong’ don’t really move the needle,” he told Middle East Eye.

“They are probably aimed at a different audience.”

US argues genocide claim ‘false’
In its declaration, Washington argues that allegations that Israel has committed genocide in Gaza are “false” and urges the court to apply a strict legal threshold when determining genocidal intent.

It says, uncontroversially, that genocide can only be established where there is clear proof of specific intent to destroy a protected group.

Israel’s genocide in Gaza: Whatever happened to South Africa’s case at the ICJ?

That intent should only be inferred when it is the only reasonable explanation for the conduct in question, it says.

The submission argues that the ICJ must be fully convinced before determining an act is genocide, due to the exceptional gravity of the crime. It also says civilian casualties and destruction during armed conflict do not by themselves prove genocidal intent.

“The United States submits that the Court should maintain its standard for inferring intent. Lowering the standard risks broadening the application of the term ‘genocide’ such that it no longer carries its original weight and meaning, and invites attempts to misuse the Genocide Convention as a gateway for bringing extraneous disputes before the Court,” the US claimed.

Hungary and Fiji’s submissions similarly advance legal arguments that align closely with Israel’s position in the case.

Narrow interpretation
Hungary’s declaration calls for a narrow interpretation of genocide and emphasises that civilian casualties and destruction during armed conflict do not in themselves demonstrate genocidal intent.

Fiji’s intervention likewise urges the court to apply an extremely high evidentiary threshold for genocide, and cautions against relying heavily on reports by international organisations or non-governmental groups when assessing allegations.

By contrast, Namibia’s declaration focuses on a broader interpretation of the Genocide Convention and emphasises how genocidal intent may be inferred from patterns of conduct and cumulative evidence.

Namibia argues that acts such as the denial of humanitarian aid, repeated displacement and deprivation of basic necessities could fall within the Convention’s prohibition on deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of a protected group.

Its submission also stresses that genocide can be committed through omissions, including a refusal to allow or facilitate life-saving humanitarian assistance to civilians under a state’s control.

Third-state interventions
The new filings add to a rapidly expanding list of states seeking to intervene in the proceedings.

Since April 2024, similar interventions have been submitted by Colombia, Libya, Mexico, Palestine, Spain, Turkey, Chile, the Maldives, Bolivia, Ireland, Cuba, Belize, Brazil, the Comoros, Belgium and Paraguay in support of the South African argument.

Palestine and Belize have also sought to intervene under Article 62 of the court’s statute, which allows states to apply to participate in proceedings if they believe they have a legal interest that could be affected by the court’s decision.

Under Article 63, intervening states do not become parties to the dispute. Instead, they are permitted to present their interpretation of the treaty at issue — in this case the 1948 Genocide Convention.

The interpretation adopted by the court in its eventual judgment will also be binding on those states.

The case has become one of the most closely watched disputes ever heard by the ICJ and has drawn an unusually large number of third-state interventions, which have reached 22.

The court has already ordered Israel in legally binding provisional measures to take steps to prevent acts that could violate the Genocide Convention and to allow humanitarian aid into Gaza.

Israel ignores court orders
Israel has repeatedly ignored the orders.

A final ruling on whether Israel has breached the Convention is expected in 2028. But it could take longer, depending on the length of hearings and the two parties’ adherence to deadlines.

On Thursday, Israel was scheduled to submit its counter-memorial, or arguments in response to South Africa’s accusations, after several deadline extensions by the court.

The court has yet to announce that Israel has filed its evidence, however.

During its devastating onslaught, Israel has so far killed more than 74,000 Palestinians in Gaza, most of them women and children. It has also destroyed most of the enclave’s homes, hospitals, schools and other infrastructure, rendering it largely uninhabitable for its 2.3 million civilians.

A UN commission of inquiry concluded last September that Israel has committed genocide in Gaza since 7 October 2023.

The UN report’s authors, including legal experts Navi Pillay and Chris Sidoti, told Middle East Eye that the report used evidence and a similar methodology in its analysis to that which will be used by the ICJ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/17/us-fiji-intervene-for-israel-in-south-africas-gaza-genocide-case-at-icj/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne

If the ARN radio network’s KIISFM stations want to resurrect Kyle Sandilands or Jackie “O” Henderson, either together, singly or in partnership with someone else, they will face significant new conditions on their broadcasting licence.

The Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) has produced a report reciting a litany of horrors committed by the show, and setting out the basis for these new conditions.

It comes a fortnight after the Kyle and Jackie O show imploded, but it could turn out to be a preemptive strike that discourages ARN from getting either or both of them back on air.

The unfortunate timing is not a reflection on the ACMA’s personnel, who have been wringing their hands over this program for years, but on the deliberate hamstringing of the regulator by politicians either in thrall to, or frightened of, the commercial broadcasting sector.

Between June and December 2024, the ACMA conducted five investigations into the show. One of those five episodes alone contained discussions and descriptions of explicit sexual acts and references to sexually related hygiene.

As a result of these investigations, the ACMA found the network had repeatedly breached the decency clause of the commercial radio code of practice.

Then, in September 2025, the ACMA found the network to have breached the same decency clause in four more programs. These included sounds of men and women urinating as part of a guessing game in which listeners were invited to speculate on the size and shape of these people’s genitals.

In earlier years there had been breaches of decency in relation to comments about the Virgin Mary (2020), the Paralympics (2023) and monkeypox (2023).

ACMA’s responses to these crudities was to impose undertakings on the part of the network to employ a second censor on the show; deliver and expand code compliance training; conduct an independent assessment of its program controls, and report progress twice a year to the ACMA.

In its latest report, the ACMA acknowledges the futility of these measures. It says the network complied with its obligations but this “failed to ensure compliance”, and there had been “no material changes made to the show’s format”.

So it has imposed two new conditions, to apply for five years. The first says any program involving either Sandilands or Henderson must comply with the decency standard. The second says they must not broadcast content that is “highly offensive to an ordinary reasonable listener”.

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Read more: For 27 years, the Kyle and Jackie O Show indulged Australia’s most vulgar, sexist impulses

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It tells us a good deal about the attitude of the ARN network that it challenged the second condition on the grounds it was “unreasonable, inconsistent with the co-regulatory framework, uncertain in scope, and beyond the ACMA’s power”.

The ACMA has imposed it anyway, taking the chance that ARN will challenge it in the courts.

The fact it can even be argued that efforts to impose minimal standards of decency on a radio program are unreasonable and beyond the regulator’s power attests to the fundamental weakness of the law under which the ACMA operates, and the bankrupt state of the ARN network’s ethics.

The reference to the “co-regulatory framework” gives the game away. The ACMA must regulate collaboratively with the industry. It is a recipe for regulatory capture.

Two other conditions have also been imposed that affect the network more broadly.

These require the network to commission an independent audit of its governance framework to be completed within six months, and three months after that to provide the ACMA with a board-approved plan to implement the auditor’s recommendations.

ACMA chair Nerida O’Loughlin says the extra conditions mean further breaches will attract stronger enforcement action than had previously been available.

Perhaps.

ARN has made a statement to the stock exchange saying it respects the ACMA decision and will “consider options”. It also claims to have taken steps to ensure compliance.

But so far the only real consequences occurred when the presenters took matters into their own hands and self-destructed.

Sandilands, meanwhile, is under suspension for breaching his contract by engaging in “serious misconduct” with his on-air verbal assault on Henderson on March 3, in the aftermath of which she said she could no longer work on the program.

However, she has since said she did not resign and has engaged lawyers after ARN terminated her $100 million ten-year contract.

The task facing Sandilands is to “remedy” the situation his outburst caused, presumably by luring Henderson back. He has until March 17 to accomplish this.

– ref. Regulator slaps restrictions on Kyle and Jackie O if they ever return to radio. Will it make any difference? – https://theconversation.com/regulator-slaps-restrictions-on-kyle-and-jackie-o-if-they-ever-return-to-radio-will-it-make-any-difference-278415

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/16/regulator-slaps-restrictions-on-kyle-and-jackie-o-if-they-ever-return-to-radio-will-it-make-any-difference-278415/

The new world order is one where the weak are obliterated by the strong, the rule of law does not exist, genocide is an instrument of control and barbarism is triumphant.

ANALYSIS: By Chris Hedges

The war on Iran and the obliteration of Gaza is the beginning. Welcome to the new world order. The age of technologically-advanced barbarism. There are no rules for the strong, only for the weak. Oppose the strong, refuse to bow to its capricious demands and you are showered with missiles and bombs.

Hospitals, elementary schools, universities and apartment complexes are reduced to rubble. Doctors, students, journalists, poets, writers, scientists, artists and political leaders — including the heads of negotiating teams — are murdered in the tens of thousands by missiles and killer drones.

Resources — as the Venezuelans know — are openly stolen. Food, water and medicine, as in Palestine, are weaponised.

Let them eat dirt.

International bodies such as the United Nations are pantomime, useless appendages of another age. The sanctity of individual rights, open borders and international law have vanished.

The most depraved leaders of human history, those who reduced cities to ashes, herded captive populations to execution sites and littered lands they occupied with mass graves and corpses, have returned with a vengeance.

They spew the same hypermasculine tropes. They spew the same vile, racist cant. They spew the same Manichaean vision of good and evil, black and white. They spew the same infantile language of total dominance and unrestrained violence.

Levers of power
Killer clowns. Buffoons. Idiots. They have seized the levers of power to carry out their demented and cartoonish visions as they pillage the state for their own enrichment.

“After witnessing savage mass murder over several months, with the knowledge that it was conceived, executed and endorsed by people much like themselves, who presented it as a collective necessity, legitimate and even humane, millions now feel less at home in the world,” writes Pankaj Mishra in The World After Gaza.

“The shock of this renewed exposure to a peculiarly modern evil — the evil done in the pre-modern era only by psychopathic individuals and unleashed in the last century by rulers and citizens of rich and supposedly civilised societies — cannot be overstated. Nor can the moral abyss we confront.”

The subjugated are property, commodities to exploit for profit or pleasure. The Epstein Files expose the sickness and heartlessness of the ruling class. Liberals. Conservatives. University presidents. Academics. Philanthropists. Wall Street titans. Celebrities. Democrats. Republicans.

They wallow in unbridled hedonism. They go to private schools and have private health care. They are cocooned in self-referential bubbles by sycophants, publicists, financial advisers, lawyers, servants, chauffeurs, self-help gurus, plastic surgeons and personal trainers.

They reside in heavily guarded estates and vacation on private islands. They travel on private jets and gargantuan yachts. They exist in another reality, what the Wall Street Journal reporter Robert Frank dubs the world of “Richistan,” a world of private Xanadus where they hold Nero-like bacchanalias, make their perfidious deals, amass their billions and cast aside those they use, including children, as if they are refuse.

No one in this magic circle is accountable. No sin too depraved. They are human parasites. They disembowel the state for personal profit. They terrorise the “lesser breeds of the earth.” They shut down the last, anemic vestiges of our open society.

‘Intoxication of power’
“There will be no curiosity, no enjoyment of the process of life,” as George Orwell writes in 1984. “All competing pleasures will be destroyed. But always — do not forget this, Winston — always there will be the intoxication of power, constantly increasing and constantly growing subtler. Always, at every moment, there will be the thrill of victory, the sensation of trampling on an enemy who is helpless.

“If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face — forever.”

The law, despite a few valiant efforts by a handful of judges — who will soon be purged — is an instrument of repression. The judiciary exists to stage show trials. I spent a lot of time in the London courts covering the Dickensian farce during the persecution of Julian Assange. A Lubyanka-on-the-Thames. Our courts are no better. Our Department of Justice is a vengeance machine.

Masked, armed goons flood the streets of the United States and murder civilians, including citizens. The ruling mandarins are spending billions to convert warehouses into detention centers and concentration camps. They insist they will only house the undocumented, the criminals, but our global ruling class lies like it breathes.

In their eyes, we are vermin, either blindly and unquestionably obedient or criminals. There is nothing in between.

These concentration camps, where there is no due process and people are disappeared, are designed for us. And by us, I mean the citizens of this dead republic. Yet we watch, stupefied, disbelieving, passively waiting for our own enslavement.

It won’t be long.

The savagery we face
The savagery in Iran, Lebanon and Gaza is the same savagery we face at home. Those carrying out the genocide, mass slaughter and unprovoked war on Iran are the same people dismantling our democratic institutions.

The social anthropologist Arjun Appadurai calls what is happening “a vast worldwide Malthusian correction” that is “geared to preparing the world for the winners of globalisation, minus the inconvenient noise of its losers.”

Oh, the critics say, don’t be so bleak. Don’t be so negative. Where is the hope? Really, it’s not that bad.

If you believe this you are part of the problem, an unwitting cog in the machinery of our rapidly consolidating fascist state.

Reality will eventually implode these “hopeful” fantasies, but by then it will be too late.

True despair is not a result of accurately reading reality. True despair comes from surrendering, either through fantasy or apathy, to malignant power. True despair is powerlessness. And resistance, meaningful resistance, even if it is almost certainly doomed, is empowerment. It confers self-worth. It confers dignity. It confers agency. It is the only action that allows us to use the word hope.

The Iranians, Lebanese and Palestinians know there is no appeasing these monsters. The global elites believe nothing. They feel nothing. They cannot be trusted. They exhibit the core traits of all psychopaths — superficial charm, grandiosity and self-importance, a need for constant stimulation, a penchant for lying, deception, manipulation and the inability to feel remorse or guilt.

Virtues of empathy
They disdain as weakness the virtues of empathy, honesty, compassion and self-sacrifice. They live by the creed of Me. Me. Me.

“The fact that millions of people share the same vices does not make these vices virtues, the fact that they share so many errors does not make the errors to be truths, and the fact that millions of people share the same forms of mental pathology does not make these people sane,” Eric Fromm writes in The Sane Society.

We have witnessed evil for nearly three years in Gaza. We watch it now in Lebanon and Iran. We see this evil excused or masked by political leaders and the media.

The New York Times, in a page out of Orwell, sent an internal memo telling reporters and editors to eschew the terms “refugee camps, “occupied territory,” “ethnic cleansing” and, of course, “genocide” when writing about Gaza.

Those who name and denounce this evil are smeared, blacklisted and purged from university campuses and the public sphere. They are arrested and deported. A deadening silence is descending upon us, the silence of all authoritarian states. Fail to do your duty, fail to cheerlead the war on Iran, and see your broadcasting licence revoked, as the Chair of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Brendan Carr has proposed.

We have enemies. They are not in Palestine. They are not in Lebanon. They are not in Iran. They are here. Among us. They dictate our lives. They are traitors to our ideals. They are traitors to our country.

They envision a world of slaves and masters. Gaza is only the start. There are no internal mechanisms for reform. We can obstruct or surrender.

Those are the only choices left.

Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for 15 years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East bureau chief and Balkan bureau chief for the paper. He is the host of show “The Chris Hedges Report”. This commentary was first published on the Chris Hedges Substack page and is republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/16/chris-hedges-the-world-according-to-gaza-its-only-the-start/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Farrer by-election on May 9 will be a major test for new Liberal leader Angus Taylor and new Nationals leader Matt Canavan, as well as a real-time measure of One Nation’s surging poll numbers.

One Nation’s David Farley and independent Michelle Milthorpe are considered the early frontrunners in the fight for Farrer.

The contest, in the seat vacated by former Liberal leader Sussan Ley, comes one year after the re-election of the Albanese government.

With no chance of winning this conservative regional seat in southern New South Wales, Labor is not fielding a candidate.

This week’s podcast comes from Albury, the largest centre in the sprawling electorate, for an early look at the campaign. To get a sense of the issues shaping the race so far, we spoke to:

• Anthony Bunn, a senior journalist with the local Border Mail newspaper

• Matt Canavan, who was campaigning in Albury just two days after becoming the Nationals’ leader, supporting local candidate Brad Robertson

• One Nation’s candidate David Farley, an agribusinessman and former Nationals member

• high-profile independent candidate Michelle Milthorpe, a high school teacher, who is running a second time after winning 20% of the primary vote in 2025

• and Justin Clancy, the Liberal state member for Albury and deputy opposition leader in NSW, shortly before the Liberals selected their candidate.

The Liberals’ candidate has now been announced as lawyer from the Hume Riverina Community Legal Service, Raissa Butkowski, an Albury City councillor. Opposition leader Angus Taylor was in Farrer on Monday to launch her campaign.

The big issues in Farrer

Journalist Anthony Bunn described the vast area covered by Farrer and the key local issues so far.

It’s a big electorate, it spreads from Albury right along to Wentworth in the west and then up to Griffith.

[…] The big issue in Albury [which is just over the Murray from Wodonga] is the hospital. There’s been a promise for an upgraded hospital in Albury [… People] feel that they’ve been short changed by the [NSW and Victorian] governments and had hoped for some Commonwealth intervention to sort of assist them in the campaign to get a greenfield hospital.

Further afield it’s primarily a lot more agricultural and the big issue has been water there and how it’s integrated into the community in relation to water and the environment, and the trade-offs that there are with the Murray-Darling Basin Plan.

Bunn said petrol prices and supplies could also feed into a cost-of-living campaign.

Canavan on ‘tackling a mate’ in Barnaby Joyce

Asked about Farrer voters who might be tempted to defect from a Coalition vote to One Nation, new Nationals leader Matt Canavan said:

I understand why people have been frustrated with our political movement. I have been very frustrated with my Liberal and National Party movement […] And we did lose our way in the last few years. We were perhaps chasing short-term political gains at the long-term cost of focusing on what’s important for Australia. But I’m very confident now, with the elevation of Angus Taylor and myself, that we are back.

On the competition in the seat with One Nation, Canavan opened up about about going up against his former boss and colleague Barnaby Joyce – who he’d just spoken to that morning – despite Joyce “being on a different football team now”.

None of it is personal. It is serious though, because it’s the future of our country. So I’m not going to pull my punches. I will defend our own political movement. I’ll defend why I think Brad Robertson is the best candidate here for Farrer. And I’ll point out why I think a vote for One Nation is not going to deliver the results for the area.

[…] Barnaby will go down as one of the best Nationals leaders in our history. It’s just very sad and a shame, I think, what’s happened. But I don’t agree with his choice. That doesn’t mean we can’t be mates and share a beer. It just means I’m probably going to tackle him harder because he is a mate.

Agreeing to disagree with Pauline Hanson: Farley

One Nation’s David Farley was once a Nationals member, but felt his policy ideas were “totally ignored”. He said a lot of other locals feel “completely disenfranchised with the democracy at the moment and also with the Coalition”, which has always held Farrer.

Farley said he debated with his party’s leader Pauline Hanson when they met recently about various issues – including his support for immigration.

I’ve met Pauline Hanson and I spent last weekend in her company. And we debated a lot of issues. We debated immigration in particular, because I’m trying to win the seat of Farrer, which has historically grown on immigration. And we’ve virtually come to the agreement that what we need is quality policy on immigration that matches the demands and the aspirations of all Australians.

What we finally agreed on, even though we were disagreeing on a number of problems, but Pauline’s ultimate resolve is, ‘is it good for Australia, is good for Australians?’ And if the answer was yes, then it was ‘let’s do it’.

‘I’m not a teal’: Milthorpe

The high-profile independent candidate Michelle Milthorpe was once a Liberal voter, but said she became disillusioned over the years.

On opponents’ attacks calling her a “teal”, because she received funding via Climate 200, Milthorpe called the claim “lazy rhetoric”.

Look I think it’s laughable to be called a teal candidate when you’ve grown up in the country, lived in the country your whole life.

[…] I’m not a teal. I don’t have anything in common with the teal people in terms of upbringing and the people that I would represent.

[…] I think it’s really important that we understand that our farmers’ need to be, and our regional communities’ need to be, looking after the environment. And they do, because that’s where they get their money from […] We can’t rely solely on renewables, because the burden of renewables is mostly felt in regional communities. We need good balance there. So no, I’m not running on climate. I’m running on good policy.

No more Liberal navel-gazing: Clancy

Asked if voters would be annoyed to be facing a by-election now, and whether Sussan Ley’s departure will be a factor working against the Liberals, state MP Justin Clancy said:

I think certainly the timing of it is challenging in that regard. I think that will be a factor.

[…] Obviously new leadership both for the Liberals and the Nationals – Nationals only just the last few days – means that for the community they haven’t got a full sense of what leadership under Matt Canavan and Angus Taylor will look like. So no doubt that will have an impact.

[…] There needs to be clearly demonstration by Liberals, certainly at the federal level, that the time for staring at the navel, the time to be talking about self is well passed. That does not serve the party well, it does not serve the community well. We need to be absolutely focused on the needs of our community.

– ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: why Farrer is a key test for One Nation vs the Coalition – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-why-farrer-is-a-key-test-for-one-nation-vs-the-coalition-278393

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/16/politics-with-michelle-grattan-why-farrer-is-a-key-test-for-one-nation-vs-the-coalition-278393/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Former Nationals’ leader Michael McCormack has been brought back onto the frontbench as the opposition unveiled yet another reshuffle, this one triggered by the elevation of Matt Canavan to become Nationals leader.

McCormack will be shadow minister for water and shadow minister for veterans’ affairs. The water post will give him a leading role in the Farrer byelection, where water is a major issue in the agricultural areas of the electorate.

McCormack is member for the seat of Riverina, which borders Farrer. He held various portfolios in the Coalition government and was deputy prime minister from 2019 to 2021, when he was dislodged in a coup by Barnaby Joyce. The spill was moved by Canavan.

Canavan himself is taking the shadow trade portfolio, while his deputy Darren Chester becomes shadow minister for agriculture.

Under Coalition arrangements the Nationals leader nominates the Nationals frontbenchers. Their number is determined by the proportion of seats the party has in the Coalition. The shadow positions they hold are settled by the two Coalition leaders in conjunction.

Former leader David Littleproud, who suddenly quit his position last week declaring he was “buggered”,  will be on the frontbench in junior roles as spokesman for emergency management and for tourism.

The party’s former deputy, Kevin Hogan, with a background in the finance sector, becomes shadow assistant treasurer and spokesman on financial services. He will be in the outer shadow ministry.

Nationals Senate leader Bridget McKenzie stays shadow minister for infrastructure and transport. Susan McDonald remains in resources.

Taylor said: “I have  appointed a strong and experienced team from The Nationals  who understand the pressure  facing families, farmers,  small businesses  and regional communities”.

Canavan said he was “proud to lead a posse of patriots”.

He said the Nationals’ shadow ministerial team  was probably the most experienced ever, with more than 18 years of  combined  ministerial experience.

He welcomed McCormack to the shadow ministerial line up.  “Michael knows the Murray Darling Basin having travelled the length and breadth of it in previous ministerial capacities and representing irrigation areas as a local member. Labor has ignored the benefits of dams and Michael will put them back on the agenda.“

Ross Cadell and Pat Conaghan have lost their positions on the frontbench.

– ref. Canavan brings back McCormack in Nationals frontbench shake up – https://theconversation.com/canavan-brings-back-mccormack-in-nationals-frontbench-shake-up-278189

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/03/16/canavan-brings-back-mccormack-in-nationals-frontbench-shake-up-278189/