Category: Evening Report

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bjorn Sturmberg, Senior Research Fellow, Battery Storage & Grid Integration Program, Australian National University

The war on Iran has made crystal clear how shaky our reliance on fossil fuels is. It’s no surprise electric vehicles and transport have become more appealing.

In Australia, sales of electric vehicles surged 40–50% in March.

That sudden surge came after ten months of relatively slow growth, during which battery electric and plug-in hybrid vehicles made up roughly 14% of new car sales. Industry groups saw the sluggishness as a sign of the difficulties in moving beyond early adopters to the much larger mainstream market.

This market includes people who live in apartments or inner city areas with no off street parking. In Sydney’s eastern suburbs, for example, 60% of residents live in apartments or townhouses, and 50% rent.

If the millions of Australians in this position are to go electric, they have to be confident in their ability to charge cheaply and conveniently. Relying on public fast chargers won’t be enough, as queues at chargers over Easter show.

These drivers will need a high quality public kerbside charging network, where drivers can park on a street, plug in a slower but much cheaper charger and head to the shops. In our new research, we lay out what a good kerbside network should look like.

Why kerbside chargers matter

Drivers usually charge their EVs using private chargers at home, public chargers at work or at dedicated fast or ultra-fast charging stations on roads.

Kerbside chargers represent another promising option. These small box-like chargers can be attached to power poles, streetlights or mounted on the footpath. Kerbside chargers usually run at power levels similar to home charging at around 7-22kW, though some run at 30-50kW.

There’s a trade-off between speed and cost. Ultra-fast chargers (150-400kW) can charge an average EV battery from 10 to 80% in around 30 minutes, but cost significantly more than slower chargers. Kerbside chargers cost significantly less, in part because they place far less stress on the power grid.

As well as letting drivers charge without off-street parking, kerbside chargers also build confidence for all EV drivers by expanding the charger network. If one charger is occupied, another will be free.

The federal government last year announced A$40 million in grant funding to accelerate the kerbside charging rollout, which is about to be delivered. Electricity distributors are lobbying to be able to provide this infrastructure.

How do we get the rollout right?

To find out how to optimise the kerbside charger rollout, we partnered with Waverley, Woollahra and Randwick Councils in Sydney, whose kerbside network amounts to 94 spaces. It’s well used, with 27,000 charging sessions over the six months to the end of February 2026.

The data from these chargers revealed key insights. Chargers were used much more when they were located near apartments and shops, and when signs restricted use to EVs actively using the chargers.

One surprise was the fact charger usage clustered around daytime and evenings, with little overnight.

Daytime use is good news for the power grid, as it makes sense to charge EVs when floods of cheap solar are being generated. This should lead to lower charging prices during these times.

But it’s less than ideal that a third of total charger use took place during evenings, when the power grid is experiencing peak demand.

As more and more EVs appear on the roads, evening demand from chargers may rise too. Meeting this demand could require expensive grid upgrades.

Optimising the kerbside network

There’s usually a lot of flexibility in when drivers charge their EVs for daily or weekly use. Many EVs can even be set to charge when power is cheapest.

The challenge is how to get people (and vehicles) to respond to this flexibility and how to coordinate their actions at scale. One method could be to set higher prices for kerbside charging during times of peak demand.

Higher prices during evening peaks for EV charging at home could also encourage drivers to avoid peak demand, though this should ideally apply only to EV charging, not cooking dinner.

People want faster kerbside chargers

Most existing or planned kerbside chargers rely on slower, low power AC chargers (7-11 kW) able to charge an average EV from 10 to 80% in around six hours.

These are the default for kerbside charging because they are cheap and provide the same charging experience as in homes and workplaces. They work well for those who live nearby and can charge over longer periods such as across a day or overnight.

But the Sydney council data showed a clear preference for higher power DC chargers (30-50 kW) able to charge an average EV battery from 10 to 80% in two hours.

These chargers are best located near services which take 1-2 hours to complete, or near apartment blocks where many local drivers can take short turns charging.

On average, the faster DC charger sites were used four times a day, compared to once a day for slower AC chargers. Because DC chargers deliver energy much faster, each one delivered five times more energy (100 kWh per day) on average.

This means these more expensive DC chargers can be the most economic option for kerbside charging. Their higher throughput also makes them space efficient, requiring fewer contentious dedicated EV parking spaces.

Our analysis shows DC sites are most effective when coupled with two hour parking restrictions rather than allowing a four hour stay, as this reduces EVs overstaying once fully charged.

In response, the three Sydney councils have deployed more DC chargers at new sites and upgraded some existing sites.

At present, many plans for new public kerbside chargers still focus on slower AC chargers, many without dedicated EV parking spaces.

Our analysis suggests dedicated EV parking spaces are essential, and faster DC chargers should play a more prominent role. These are popular with drivers, have better economics, and require fewer dedicated EV parking spaces.

– ref. Growing EV popularity is leading to queues at fast chargers. Could a kerbside charger network help? – https://theconversation.com/growing-ev-popularity-is-leading-to-queues-at-fast-chargers-could-a-kerbside-charger-network-help-279563

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/growing-ev-popularity-is-leading-to-queues-at-fast-chargers-could-a-kerbside-charger-network-help-279563/

ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 7, 2026.

Growing EV popularity is leading to queues at fast chargers. Could a kerbside charger network help?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bjorn Sturmberg, Senior Research Fellow, Battery Storage & Grid Integration Program, Australian National University The war on Iran has made crystal clear how shaky our reliance on fossil fuels is. It’s no surprise electric vehicles and transport have become more appealing. In Australia, sales of electric vehicles

Hormuz closure threatens the global food supply – why grocery price hikes are coming
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aya S. Chacar, Professor of International Business, Florida International University The global energy crisis caused by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz is only the beginning of the economic cost of the war with Iran. I study how institutions affect businesses and supply chains, and I

Greenpeace’s Arctic Sunrise to join Global Sumud Flotilla mission to Gaza
By Brett Wilkins Greenpeace International has announced that the MY Arctic Sunrise — one of its largest vessels — will be taking part in the upcoming Global Sumud Flotilla relaunch in order “to directly challenge Israel’s ongoing blockade of aid to Gaza”. The green group said the Arctic Sunrise, an icebreaker that’s been part of

What is ‘muscle memory’ and can I improve mine?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Celia Harris, Associate Professor in Cognitive Science, Western Sydney University Whether it’s riding a bike or knitting a sweater, there are some tasks you do without thinking. These are commonly associated with “muscle memory”, the idea your body can remember how to perform complex tasks and, over

Almost 200,000 New Zealanders are now living with long COVID – where is the government plan?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Donne Potter, Professor of Public Health, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University A high prevalence of long COVID is perhaps the starkest reminder that the pandemic is far from over. The latest New Zealand Health Survey confirms the impacts of the COVID pandemic continue, six

‘Vegan leather’ isn’t as sustainable or eco‑friendly as brands might claim
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Caroline Swee Lin Tan, Associate Professor in Fashion Entrepreneurship, RMIT University In a high-end fashion store or luxury car showroom, the term “vegan leather” sends a strong message of quality. For many shoppers, it promises the look and feel of real leather without using animal skins. As

‘Never have I felt so dependent on … feelings of one administration’, says NZ’s Willis on Trump and Iran
RNZ News New Zealand’s Finance Minister says she has “never felt so dependent on the actions and feelings of one administration and its leaders”, as concerns grow about the fuel shock triggered by the US-Israel war on Iran. And the Prime Minister has called the US President’s foul-mouthed threats to Iran “unhelpful” and the US’

What is CREC and how does it shape Pete Hegseth’s religious rhetoric?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samuel Perry, Associate Professor of Rhetoric, Baylor University Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s conservative evangelical religious beliefs drew attention even before his confirmation hearings in January 2025. He is a member of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches – CREC – whose beliefs have been influenced by a

Can medicinal cannabis help kids’ autism, ADHD or Tourette’s? Here’s what we know so far
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daryl Efron, Associate Professor, Department of Paediatrics, The University of Melbourne In the past ten years or so there has been a lot of interest to see if medicinal cannabis can help children with emotional and behavioural problems – the ones associated with conditions such as autism,

Australia’s alpine ash forests are now officially endangered. Can we save them?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tom Fairman, Forest and fire scientist, The University of Melbourne The tall alpine ash forests in Australia’s high country have lived in a delicate relationship with fire for tens of thousands of years. Intensifying fire seasons are threatening this balance to the extent the Federal Government has

Could NZ’s next Christchurch Call be a push for fairer, safer AI?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Lensen, Senior Lecturer in Artificial Intelligence, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington For New Zealanders, artificial intelligence (AI) is fast becoming as much a part of everyday life as smartphones and social media did before it. According to the recently released 2026 InternetNZ Internet

This little-known government scheme can help retirees tap into $3 trillion of housing wealth
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katja Hanewald, Associate Professor in Risk & Actuarial Studies, UNSW Sydney For many Australians, most of their retirement wealth is tied up in their home. A simple, well-designed program to tap into those trillions in home equity could help boost their retirement incomes. Such a program exists.

All The President’s Men at 50: one of the finest films about investigative journalism ever made
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Howard, Senior Lecturer, Discipline of English and Writing, University of Sydney Nighttime. A dim and dingy car park. Woefully inadequate fluorescent lights flicker and buzz overhead. Two men stand in half-shadow. One is barely visible, his face almost entirely swallowed by darkness. His voice is low

By avoiding means testing, the government is giving handouts to the rich
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robert Breunig, Professor of Economics and Director, Tax and Transfer Policy Institute, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University Australia is a global success story. The structural reforms in the 1980s and ‘90s of liberalising trade, floating the dollar and reducing government involvement in the economy

From Jurassic Park to dreams of AI doom, pop culture shapes science more than we like to admit
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna-Sophie Jürgens, Senior Lecturer in Science Communication at the Australian National Centre for the Public Awareness of Science, and Founder of Popsicule, ANU’s Science in Popular Culture and Entertainment Hub, Australian National University The relationship between science and pop culture often looks like a one-way street: scientific

‘No kings’: What Americans can learn from other nonviolent civil activism movements
ANALYSIS: Introduced by Robert Reich From time to time, I post transcripts I’ve come across of particularly insightful conversations. Here’s one that’s particularly relevant to the US “No Kings” Day protests at the weekend. Recently, The Conversation hosted a webinar in which executive editor and general manager Beth Daley interviewed John Shattuck, professor of practice

Monsters of war – the men who have put the world at risk
The war in Iran is in its second month. A war started by a criminal defendant, a convicted felon, and a blackmail network that explains everything Western leaders won’t say. Michael West Media reports. COMMENTARY: By Andrew Brown Two men are mainly responsible for the war on Iran. And then there are those — such

NZ’s Peters called on to stress Palestine ‘open wound’ with Rubio
Asia Pacific Report Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa has appealed to Foreign Minister Winston Peters to stress to the Palestine genocide “open wound” in his meeting with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington this week. Co-chair Maher Nazzal of PSNA said in a statement the international crisis in West Asia “must be reined in”

Mass Easter resignations within Tahiti’s pro-independence ruling party
By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk A rift within French Polynesia’s ruling party Tavini Huiraatira deepened during Easter weekend with a mass resignation from a group of 14 members. The resignation was tendered by a group of young members of the local Territorial Assembly. In their resignation letter, the members of the

At least five Papuans reported dead as violence explodes in Dogiyai
RNZ Pacific Reports from West Papua say as many as five people have been shot dead in Dogiyai regency in an alleged retaliatory attack after a policeman was killed. A joint police and military operation was launched in the regency in Indonesia’s Central Papua province to respond to the killing, by apparent stabbing, of a

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/er-report-a-roundup-of-significant-articles-on-eveningreport-nz-for-april-7-2026/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aya S. Chacar, Professor of International Business, Florida International University

The global energy crisis caused by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz is only the beginning of the economic cost of the war with Iran.

I study how institutions affect businesses and supply chains, and I expect food prices to rise next, with high prices lasting even after whatever point hostilities end.

Along with about 20% of the world’s crude oil trade and a similar share of the world’s liquefied natural gas shipments, shipping traffic through the strait also carries roughly a third of internationally traded fertilizer, which is key to bountiful crops around the world.

Modern agriculture depends on precise timing of delivering nutrients to plants. When fertilizer arrives late or becomes too expensive to buy in sufficient quantities, farmers are left to either reduce the amount they use, plant fewer crops or switch to crops that need less fertilizer. Each option reduces overall productivity, cutting supplies of basic foods, feed for livestock and key ingredients used in a wide range of food products.

Ultimately, with corn prices rising, summer barbecues may taste a bit different or cost more. Corn on the cob may not be cheap, nor will corn-fed beef. In addition, many store-bought condiments, soft drinks and other food products are made with high-fructose corn syrup and will also cost more.

3 main crops, 3 nutrients needed

Three staple crops – corn, wheat and rice – supply more than half of the world’s dietary calories.

To maximize production, those crops need three main nutrients: nitrogen, phosphate and potassium. Nitrogen helps plants grow. Phosphorus helps transport energy within plant cells and is critical for early root growth and the formation of seeds and fruit. Potassium helps plants conserve water and boosts protein content.

The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has reduced the supply and increased the cost of all three.

Natural gas, which determines 70% to 90% of the cost of producing nitrogen fertilizer, has seen a 20% drop in production due to the war and price increases up to 70%. To preserve its own supplies, Russia has suspended exports of ammonium nitrate, another nitrogen source for fertilizer.

In a similar effort, China, the world’s largest phosphate producer, has blocked phosphate exports, removing 25% of the global supply.

Potash, the potassium-rich component of fertilizers, has also been in short supply in recent years, in part because of economic sanctions on Belarus and Russia, which are major potash producers.

As a consequence, fertilizer prices have risen globally. In the U.S., some fertilizers rose more than 40% in just one month after the war’s start in late February 2026.

[embedded content]

Affecting farmers first

Cereal plants absorb the vast majority of their nitrogen needs during their early growth. Applying fertilizer later in the growth cycle is less effective.

Reducing nitrogen application by 10% to 15%, or delaying application by two to four weeks, can reduce corn yields by 10% to 25%.

Producing less corn and wheat reduces not only food available for humans but also food for livestock. Increased fertilizer costs and reduced grain supplies increase the price of raising livestock, making meat and animal products more expensive.

When feed costs become unsustainable, farmers may be forced to kill or sell off the breeding cows and sows that represent the future of the food supply. In the U.S., a combination of persistent drought and high costs in 2022 forced producers to kill 13.3% of the national beef cow herd, the highest proportion ever. As a result, the U.S. beef cattle inventory shrank to its lowest level since 1962, a problem that restricts beef supplies for years.

Ultimately, the costs are passed to consumers. In 2012, when a historic Midwest drought slashed corn yields by 13%, it triggered a surge in feed prices, and U.S. poultry prices rose 20%.

More money can’t fix this problem

In mid-March 2026, the U.S. fertilizer supply was around 75% of normal levels. That’s right at the beginning of the time when Corn Belt farmers typically prepare their soil for planting, including the first applications of fertilizer. Subsequent fertilizer applications typically come from mid-April to early May and between late May and mid-June.

Farmers who fear not being able to optimize their corn yields may decide to plant less corn or switch crops and plant soybeans, which need less fertilizer. Either would reduce the corn supply.

Government loan guarantees and aid packages may help farmers cover higher costs, but they cannot address timing if enough fertilizer simply isn’t available when it is needed.

Hitting home

American consumers aren’t facing the gas and food shortages or power outages other countries are seeing from the war, but they will be hit in the pocketbook. U.S. prices for gas and jet fuel are already climbing. The effects on the food supply take longer to appear, but they are coming.

Even when crops are bountiful in the U.S., consumers are not immune to global economic forces. A smaller 2026 crop, with rising demand for livestock feed in some of the most populous countries, including China and India, will put pressure on global corn prices, affecting everyone regardless of their nationality.

In March 2026, the U.S. Department of Agriculture used data from before the Iran war to project a 3.1% average increase for all food prices.

The question for consumers is how much of the rise in corn prices will be passed to the consumer, and how fast.

USDA research shows that the speed and extent of changes in food prices vary widely by food category and the level of processing involved in making the food. Other factors also play a role, such as inventory levels, perishability and market competition. When farm prices change, wholesale prices usually adjust within the first month, but retail prices often take longer – sometimes two to four months.

Corn tortillas and other relatively lightly processed corn foods are more likely to show price responses within a few months after corn prices increase. Adjustments to cereals or poultry prices will take a little longer. Changes in the cost of livestock products such as beef will take longer, because there are more steps between the purchase of feed corn and the sale of the meat to consumers.

Other indirect costs, related to the cost of fuel and packaging, tend to hit later. Producers often absorb the price increases in the short term, but some increases are already in the works. For instance, transport companies are adding fuel surcharges on freight shipments.

Food price hikes hit low-income households harder than high-income households, because people with lower incomes spend larger shares of their money on food and housing. For these households, even relatively affordable proteins, such as chicken, may become harder to purchase regularly.

A global food emergency

The cost and availability of fertilizer will affect the whole world. More than 300 million people worldwide already do not have enough food. The U.N. World Food Program predicts an additional 45 million could join them by the end of 2026 if the conflict in the Middle East continues into the middle of the year.

Crop yields in India and Brazil in 2026 are expected to be lower than normal. East African farmers struggled to afford fertilizer even before the crisis and will likely have to make do with even less.

These problems may seem removed for most Americans, but food prices are global in nature, and people in the U.S. will soon face these additional costs of the war.

– ref. Hormuz closure threatens the global food supply – why grocery price hikes are coming – https://theconversation.com/hormuz-closure-threatens-the-global-food-supply-why-grocery-price-hikes-are-coming-279899

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/hormuz-closure-threatens-the-global-food-supply-why-grocery-price-hikes-are-coming-279899/

By Brett Wilkins

Greenpeace International has announced that the MY Arctic Sunrise — one of its largest vessels — will be taking part in the upcoming Global Sumud Flotilla relaunch in order “to directly challenge Israel’s ongoing blockade of aid to Gaza”.

The green group said the Arctic Sunrise, an icebreaker that’s been part of Greenpeace’s fleet since 1995, will be “sailing alongside more than 70 vessels and over 1000 participants” in the second Global Sumud Flotilla, which is scheduled to set sail from Barcelona on April 12, with subsequent stops in Syracuse, Italy, and Lerapetra, Greece en route to Gaza.

Greenpeace said the Arctic Sunrise “is providing operational and technical support” for the flotilla.

“The devastation inflicted on Gaza has become a dangerous doctrine of impunity, now spreading to Lebanon through relentless destruction and deepening human suffering,” Greenpeace Middle East and North Africa executive director Ghiwa Nakat said in a statement.

“The Greenpeace ship is joining this people-led mission to demand safe, unhindered humanitarian access to Gaza and to challenge the illegal blockade that continues to devastate civilian life.

“We stand firmly against war crimes, deliberate starvation, ethnic cleansing, genocide, and ecocide,” Nakat added.

“This flotilla is a call to governments around the world to end their silence, protect humanitarian action, and act with urgency and principle to uphold international law, human dignity, and justice.”

Specialised medical care
Global Sumud Flotilla organisers said the 2026 mission will focus on specialised medical care, with more than 1000 healthcare professionals aiming to deliver lifesaving medicines and equipment to Gaza, where 29 months of Israeli war and siege have left the Palestinian exclave’s medical infrastructure in ruins.

Last year, dozens of boats carrying hundreds of activists from over 40 nations took part in the last Global Sumud Flotilla — sumud means “perseverance” in Arabic — as it attempted to break Israel’s naval blockade and deliver desperately needed humanitarian aid including food, medicines, and baby formula to starving Gazans amid a growing famine.

Israeli forces intercepted and seized the flotilla vessels in international waters in early October, arresting all aboard the boats and temporarily jailing them in Israel, where some — including Swedish climate campaigner Greta Thunberg — said they were physically and psychologically abused by their captors.

The Freedom Flotilla Coalition has made numerous attempts to break Israel’s blockade by sea, all of which ended in more or less the same way.

In 2010, Israeli forces raided one of the first convoys carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza by sea. The Israeli attackers killed nine volunteers aboard the MV Mavi Marmara, including Turkish-American teenager Furkan Doğan and a 10th died later.

Numerous experts and the entire United Nations Security Council — except the United States — have called the starvation of Gaza deliberately created by Israel, whose Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and former Defence Minister, Yoav Gallant, are wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes, including murder and forced starvation.

Israel — whose assault and siege of Gaza have left more than 250,000 Palestinians dead or wounded — is also facing a genocide case in the International Court of Justice filed by South Africa and formally supported by nearly 20 countries, including Spain, the mission’s country of departure.

Cycle of destruction
“At this time of escalating war, triggered by US and Israeli militaries and cascading into a cycle of destruction and pain across the Middle East, we are honoured to answer the call to join the Sumud Flotilla,” Greenpeace Spain executive director Eva Saldaña said yesterday.

“While world governments have lacked the courage and conviction to uphold international law and their obligation to prevent genocide in Gaza, the Sumud Flotilla has been a shining light of humanitarian solidarity and a symbol of hope in action.”

Global Sumud Flotilla leaders applauded Greenpeace’s decision to participate in its 2026 mission.

“Greenpeace’s history of defending the seas, confronting injustice, and taking action in defence of life makes them a powerful addition to our 2026 spring mission,” said Global Sumud Flotilla steering committee member Susan Abdullah.

“We sail together in the same direction, with a shared determination to help break Israel’s illegal siege of Gaza.”

Republished from Common Dreams under Creative Commons.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/greenpeaces-arctic-sunrise-to-join-global-sumud-flotilla-mission-to-gaza/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Donne Potter, Professor of Public Health, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

A high prevalence of long COVID is perhaps the starkest reminder that the pandemic is far from over.

The latest New Zealand Health Survey confirms the impacts of the COVID pandemic continue, six years after the initial outbreak. The data show most New Zealanders (77.7% or about 3.3 million people) have had COVID at least once.

Many people reported changes in health after COVID, but about one in 11 adults (401,000 people) described symptoms lasting three months or longer. These were health impacts they had not experienced prior to the COVID infection and could not be explained by a different diagnosis.

Women were more likely to report symptoms of long COVID – about 1 in 7 women (14.9%) compared to 1 in 12 men (8.5%). Only among people above the age of 65 were the rates similar in women and men.

One in six Māori adults (15.5%) reported having had long COVID symptoms, compared to one in nine non-Māori adults (11.3%), and among people living with disabilities, one in four (22.8%) experienced lasting symptoms.

Overall, 11.9% of adults who contracted COVID developed long COVID following the acute phase, and almost half (48.5%) of them were still experiencing symptoms at the time they completed the survey.

New Zealand must take long COVID seriously. Denial of these impacts and delays in providing appropriate care mean New Zealand is missing opportunities to limit harms to individuals and society.

What these findings mean for New Zealand

The latest results are backed up by evidence from international studies and previous health survey research, which shows that a fifth of children in New Zealand reported persisting symptoms after COVID infection.

Self-reported surveys can either under-count or over-count prevalence, but the New Zealand health survey is designed to be representative. This is currently our best estimate of long COVID in New Zealand adults but is probably an under-count because the risk of developing long COVID increases with reinfection.

Since the survey was completed, there have been many more COVID cases and New Zealand is now experiencing a ninth wave, which means we can expect further long COVID cases.

Long COVID can affect every organ, including the cardiovascular, immune and nervous systems.

The main symptoms include cognitive dysfunction (brain fog), fatigue and post-exertional malaise. But COVID infection can also cause chronic disease without symptoms, with “silent” cell and organ damage that may predispose people to later illness.

The survey findings are concerning. The accepted definition of a rare disease is one case in 2,000 people. If a condition is more common than that, the number of people affected becomes high enough to need specific health services.

The long COVID prevalence of 9.2% of all adults in New Zealand is more than a hundred times greater than this rare-disease threshold.

The practical implications are clear. Long COVID is a health burden which must be addressed by specific health-service resources.

The cost of delayed action

More than 12 months ago, we published an extended analysis of the state of long COVID in Aotearoa New Zealand. We noted it remained a risk following any COVID infection or reinfection and carried a substantially increased risk of sudden death and organ damage.

We also noted that vaccination reduces the risk.

We urged the government to establish a coordinated response that included treatment and support services, public health and social measures to protect the community, a programme to maximise vaccine coverage, a clear information campaign and targeted surveillance – and more research.

Very little has been instituted. This indifference extends even to the data the government itself has collected. The data collection for this latest health survey was completed in 2025, and it is concerning the findings have only been released now, and only after a request under the Official Information Act.

These data have also been publicised largely by the coordinating group for Aotearoa COVID Action, not by Health New Zealand.

Inaction on respiratory infections is costing us dearly, both in terms of people’s health and a loss in productivity. Long COVID is still very challenging to treat but already some new approaches are looking promising. Much can be done to prevent new cases and to support those already affected.

Slowing the spread of COVID through communities is an important and feasible goal. One of the most basic but effective measures is promoting a culture of staying home when sick.

Providing a good standard of indoor air quality in public settings through a mix of ventilation, air filtration and specific ultraviolet lighting is highly achievable and has multiple benefits in reducing sickness rates from other respiratory infections.

Recent research shows COVID vaccines are still able to deliver a meaningful reduction in the severity of acute infection and risk of long COVID.

Running alongside prevention is the need to support those already affected by establishing and maintaining specific tailored care for symptom management and financial safety nets for those unable to work.

Policymakers and the public are reluctant to even speak of COVID in the present tense, but the evidence shows it is still a major infectious disease in Aotearoa New Zealand, with wide-ranging negative impacts.

There is a mutual support group for people with Long COVID but the government can and should be doing more to protect the population and limit this social and economic harm.

– ref. Almost 200,000 New Zealanders are now living with long COVID – where is the government plan? – https://theconversation.com/almost-200-000-new-zealanders-are-now-living-with-long-covid-where-is-the-government-plan-278973

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/almost-200-000-new-zealanders-are-now-living-with-long-covid-where-is-the-government-plan-278973/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Celia Harris, Associate Professor in Cognitive Science, Western Sydney University

Whether it’s riding a bike or knitting a sweater, there are some tasks you do without thinking.

These are commonly associated with “muscle memory”, the idea your body can remember how to perform complex tasks and, over time, learn to do them automatically.

But do your muscles actually have a memory? And what role does your brain play?

Let’s unpack the science.

What is ‘muscle memory’?

In popular culture, we usually associate “muscle memory” with tasks we do, or skills we learn, without much conscious thought. This could include riding a bike, playing a musical instrument or even tying your shoelaces.

However, cognitive scientists call this type of memory “procedural memory” rather than “muscle memory”. And while it doesn’t always feel like it, procedural memory involves our brain as well as our muscles.

The term “muscle memory” may also be used in a more literal sense to describe how muscles seem to get stronger or bigger if they have been trained before. Research supports this idea, suggesting prior training can speed up muscle growth. It may do this by changing how muscle cells function or are structured. However, scientists still don’t know exactly how this all works. In any case, it seems these changes do not allow muscles to “store” memories or information in the same way as the brain.

How does procedural memory work?

Scientists describe procedural memory as a kind of “non-declarative memory”, meaning it’s memory based on actions, rather than words. This means it can be difficult to share skills you might’ve learnt through procedural memory.

For example, imagine you’re teaching a child to ride a bike. If you hop on the bike yourself, it’s easy to perform all the correct steps (holding the handlebars, mounting the bike, pushing the pedals) at the right times. But it’s much harder to describe that process to another person, especially if you only use words.

Research suggests repetition is the best and fastest way to improve your procedural memory. When we learn a new skill, it initially takes a lot of effort. This is because you need to actively control every action to make sure you’re doing things in the right way and order.

Over time, these skills can become so automatic you barely think while doing them. For example, you might drive home without remembering which route you took. That’s because you’re performing a series of actions you’ve done hundreds of times before.

Maintaining your procedural memory requires multiple parts of your brain to work together. This is because we use different neural processes as we shift from actively learning a skill to acting more automatically.

When you learn something new, you’re largely using the pre-frontal and fronto-parietal regions of the brain. These are associated with attention, memory and deliberate, effortful thinking.

When you start repeating and practising a skill, you instead rely on sensorimotor circuits. These process the sensory information you receive from the outside world, and help your brain determine the best physical response. In this way, these circuits allow you to do complex tasks with less conscious effort.

What’s the impact of conditions such as dementia?

What’s fascinating about procedural memory is it’s largely unaffected by cognitive decline.

For people with dementia or other kinds of cognitive impairment, the hardest tasks are generally those that require conscious effort. However, they often retain more automatic skills that they’ve developed over a lifetime. This is why you may meet people with dementia who can still knit or dance a tango, despite having trouble remembering their loved ones’ names.

Research suggests music taps into procedural memory in an especially powerful way. One Canadian study found people with Alzheimer’s dementia, an irreversible brain condition which affects memory, cognition and behaviour, recognised words better when they were sung as opposed to spoken.

Procedural memory may also help people with cognitive conditions learn new skills, as well as retain old ones. In one Australian study, researchers wanted to know if a person with severe Alzheimer’s dementia could learn a new song. They found that a 91-year-old woman with severe Alzheimer’s, who’d never been a musician, was able to learn a brand-new song. While she couldn’t remember the words during a memory test, she could sing the song again two weeks later.

Can I improve my procedural memory?

Unfortunately, there’s no quick and easy way to strengthen your procedural memory.

To begin, you have to push through the initial phase of learning a new skill, which often requires significant effort and attention. This is where practice comes in. Practising a new skill will help your brain depend less on its attention-focused frontal regions, and rely more on those responsible for motor functions.

To make your practice as effective as possible, it may be worth spacing it out over multiple sessions. This forces you to deliberately bring a memory back to mind and actively reconstruct it, even after you’ve stopped thinking about it. As a result, you’ll become better at forming and retaining long-term memories. Sleeping after each practice session may also help. Research suggests this is because sleep helps you remember and retain new skills.

While improving procedural memory takes time and effort, it’s well worth it. Any new skills you learn will enrich your life. And even if your cognitive health declines, the skills you practice over a lifetime can keep you connected to the people and memories you value.

– ref. What is ‘muscle memory’ and can I improve mine? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-muscle-memory-and-can-i-improve-mine-277471

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/what-is-muscle-memory-and-can-i-improve-mine-277471/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Caroline Swee Lin Tan, Associate Professor in Fashion Entrepreneurship, RMIT University

In a high-end fashion store or luxury car showroom, the term “vegan leather” sends a strong message of quality. For many shoppers, it promises the look and feel of real leather without using animal skins. As brands move away from animal leather, “vegan” has come to suggest something that is both kinder to animals and better for the planet.

However, the reality is more complicated. While these materials remove animal products, they often replace one environmental problem with another. Vegan leather is not one material, but a broad label that covers everything from plastic coatings to plant-based surfaces, which is why regulators are starting to question vague green claims.

The appeal of leather alternatives is easy to understand. Concerns about animal welfare, climate change and deforestation have pushed shoppers and brands towards options that seem more responsible.

As a result, “vegan leather” is often seen as the better choice – even though how long it lasts, and where it ends up, is rarely questioned.

The rise of synthetic hide

For decades, these materials were known as “pleather” or vinyl. Today, better finishes have turned thin plastic films into convincing leather lookalikes.

Most vegan leathers consist of polyurethane (PU) or polyvinyl chloride (PVC) coatings bonded to fabric backings. They are waterproof and easy to emboss, but they are also petroleum-derived plastics.

When the surface of a PU‑coated bag cracks or peels, the damage is more than cosmetic. As the coating breaks down, it sheds microplastics into the environment.

The plastic underneath the plants

In response to concerns about plastic, new fake leather materials have been developed from pineapples, mushrooms, apples, grapes and even cacti. These bio-based options are often sold as the sustainable answer.

However, using a plant does not automatically make a product better for the environment.

The issue lies in how these materials are made. A “pineapple leather” shoe may be praised for its plant fibres, but those fibres are usually held together with plastic resins to make the material durable.

The result is a mixed material that cannot be recycled in Australia, even though marketing often focuses on the plant ingredient and hides the plastic underneath.

Plant leather doesn’t last long

A key challenge with many vegan leather alternatives is strength. Raw plant fibres are too weak to handle the repeated wear and pressure faced by shoes, bags and car seats. To improve performance, manufacturers layer plant materials onto plastic binders or polyester backings.

Even then, many of these materials break down sooner than real leather and cannot be properly repaired. Traditional leather can be conditioned, patched and allowed to age over time, but plant-based alternatives tend to fail once the surface coating cracks or peels.

A mushroom- or apple-based bag also cannot be composted because of the plastic beneath its surface, meaning it reaches disposal much sooner. Some plant-based vegan leather products have reported lifespans of as little as two years.

This points to a broader issue. In a circular economy that prioritises reuse, repair and material recovery, sustainability is about keeping products in use and at their highest value for as long as possible.

Brands must walk the talk

The problems hidden by elusive marketing labels are becoming harder to ignore. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) has made it clear broad labels such as “sustainable” or “eco-friendly” must be backed up with evidence.

If brands use the word “vegan” to suggest lower environmental impact, they must be able to prove that claim by looking at the product’s full life cycle.

At the same time, the Productivity Commission’s 2026 inquiry into the circular economy highlights Australia’s growing problem with products that cannot be recycled. As product stewardship schemes expand, durability, recyclability and what happens to a product at the end of its life will matter as much as animal welfare.

The ethical distinction

None of this means animal leather comes without environmental or chemical costs. These include methane emissions from livestock and the toxic chemicals used in tanning. For many consumers, avoiding animal-derived materials is still an important ethical choice.

However, “vegan” and “sustainable” are not the same thing. One describes what has been left out of a product, while the other describes how that product performs over its entire life. Treating the two as interchangeable can replace meaningful progress with reassuring labels.

The takeaway is a call for material honesty. Sustainability can’t be reduced to a single word or ingredient. It’s measured by how long a product stays useful before it needs to be thrown away. A bag that avoids animal materials but breaks down within a few years simply creates waste sooner.

If vegan alternatives are going to be sustainable, they must be designed to last. Sustainability is measured in years of use, not words on a tag.

– ref. ‘Vegan leather’ isn’t as sustainable or eco‑friendly as brands might claim – https://theconversation.com/vegan-leather-isnt-as-sustainable-or-eco-friendly-as-brands-might-claim-278548

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/vegan-leather-isnt-as-sustainable-or-eco-friendly-as-brands-might-claim-278548/

RNZ News

New Zealand’s Finance Minister says she has “never felt so dependent on the actions and feelings of one administration and its leaders”, as concerns grow about the fuel shock triggered by the US-Israel war on Iran.

And the Prime Minister has called the US President’s foul-mouthed threats to Iran “unhelpful” and the US’ goals and objectives in Iran “unclear”.

Few ships carrying stock have been allowed to pass through the Strait of Hormuz since Iran effectively closed it just over a month ago, in retaliation for the attacks.

That has triggered a global spike in prices at the pump, and New Zealand — wholly dependent on importing refined fuels — has not been spared.

At the weekend, US President Donald Trump issued an expletive-laden threat at Iran, telling it to “open the F*****’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell” or its civilian infrastructure would be attacked.

He followed that up on Monday (US time) with a claim the “entire country can be taken out in one night”.

The comments come as Foreign Minister Winston Peters heads to the US to meet US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

Asked about Trump’s comments today, Finance Minister Nicola Willis first was diplomatic.

‘Acting with restraint’
“We actually want to see all parties acting with restraint, moving toward a negotiated solution so the crisis can end,” she told RNZ Morning Report.

“And it’s simply the fact that the longer the conflict goes on, the more severe the impact. And once again, we call on the US, Iran, all actors in this conflict to uphold international law.”

Asked again, she replied: “Well, I have reflected that never have I felt so dependent on the actions and feelings of one administration and its leaders as New Zealand is right now.

“And I see the pain that so many New Zealanders are experiencing as a result of this fuel shock, and I wish for it to end.

“And the sad reality is that it’s not in New Zealand’s hands, that lies in the hands of countries very far away.”

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, appearing on Morning Report shortly after Willis, said Trump’s rhetoric was “unhelpful”.

“I think the bottom line is that the focus needs to be on not seeing this conflict expand any further. It is critical that the US and Iran find a way to de-escalate. Absolutely critical for the world and certainly for us in New Zealand.

“But, you know, yeah, I mean, unhelpful — because more military action is not necessary.”

‘Comply with international law’
He said he expected “all parties to comply with international law, as you’d expect, and international humanitarian law”.

“It would be an attack on innocent civilians and not something New Zealand should in any way condone.

“Threatening to blow up innocent civilians is not the sort of thing you would expect to see the president of the United States engaging in — it’s totally unacceptable and New Zealand should condemn it.”

Steady as she goes
Willis was resisting the temptation to cut fuel taxes and road user charges (RUC) as prices spiked — particularly for diesel — saying it would make no sense to encourage fuel consumption at the same time as calling for restraint.

According to the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment’s (MBIE) latest data national fuel stocks are stable, with sufficient stock levels — for now.

Diesel levels have dipped slightly since the last report, while jet fuel and petrol levels have risen slightly. There is now just 17.5 days’ worth of diesel in the country, with more on ships headed this way — 12 outside our exclusive economic zone and four inside.

“We haven’t had any reports of any issues with those shipments that are in international waters,” Willis told Morning Report. “We would expect to get reporting from fuel importing companies if they were seeing any issues with those. They seem to be safely on their way.”

Gaspy figures show diesel is now more expensive than 91 at more than $3.70 a litre, while its users also have to pay RUC.

“That price is really, really tough on many, many businesses in our economy, and also individuals and families who use diesel,” Wilis said. “We’re used to seeing diesel at the pump cheaper than 91.

Prime Minister Luxon said he was “gravely concerned” that the longer the conflict went on, the “harder it gets for Kiwis here at home”. Just how long it would take to get back to normal was “unknown”, he said, but no restrictions on use were yet planned.

Supply challenges
“Even if we’ve got a ceasefire miraculously and a quality one tomorrow, there clearly will be supply challenges as production has ramped back up again, as storage is always put in storage and it’s transported out through the Hormuz out into the refineries around the world.”

Luxon said Peters would be making it clear to Rubio the conflict was impacting New Zealand and “pushing them to deescalate”.

“I think the goals and the objectives from the US administration have been somewhat unclear. For us, that’s why the world is suffering, everybody around the world. I’ve spoken to a number of world leaders.

“Some of those developing economies are doing it incredibly tough. I know it’s difficult for our New Zealand folk here at home as well, dealing with higher prices at the pump.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/never-have-i-felt-so-dependent-on-feelings-of-one-administration-says-nzs-willis-on-trump-and-iran/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samuel Perry, Associate Professor of Rhetoric, Baylor University

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s conservative evangelical religious beliefs drew attention even before his confirmation hearings in January 2025. He is a member of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches – CREC – whose beliefs have been influenced by a 20th-century movement called Christian Reconstructionism.

Many CREC leaders call for the implementation of biblical law and a theocratic state structured on Christian patriarchy. Theocratic states are ruled according to religious laws, which in the case of the CREC means a conservative evangelical understanding of Christianity.

The CREC website claims to have over 160 churches and parishes spread across North America, Europe, Asia and South America.

Hegseth’s use of religious language and prayers has raised questions about his religious beliefs in relation to his role as secretary of defense. At a prayer service on March 25, 2026, during the current war in Iran, Hegseth said, “Let every round find its mark against the enemies of righteousness and our great nation.” He went on to add: “Give them wisdom in every decision, endurance for the trial ahead, unbreakable unity, and overwhelming violence of action against those who deserve no mercy.”

As a scholar of the Christian right, I have studied the CREC. To understand Hegseth’s rhetoric, it is helpful to understand what the CREC is and its controversial leadership.

What is the CREC?

The CREC church is a network of churches across the globe. It is associated with the congregation of Doug Wilson, the pastor who founded Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho. Christ Church is the flagship church of the CREC and operates as a denominational headquarters. Wilson grew up in the town, where his father was an evangelical minister.

Wilson co-founded the CREC in 1993 and is the public figure most associated with the network of churches. Christ Church operates as the hub for Logos Schools, Canon Press and New Saint Andrews College, all located in Moscow.

Logos is a set of private schools and homeschooling curriculum; Canon Press is a publishing house and media company; and New Saint Andrews College is a university. All of these were founded by Wilson and associated with Christ Church. All espouse the view that Christians are at odds with – or at war with – secular society.

While he is not Hegseth’s pastor, Wilson is the most influential voice in the CREC, and the two men have spoken approvingly of one another.

Hegseth invited Wilson to give a prayer service at the Pentagon in February 2026. Wilson told the assembled military members, “If you bear the name of Jesus Christ, there is no armor greater than that. Not only so, but all the devil’s R&D teams have not come up with armor-piercing anything.” In other words, Wilson tied the success and safety of military members and their missions to a belief in Jesus Christ and the military’s enemies as agents of the devil.

As Wilson steadily grew Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho, he and its members sought to spread their message by making Moscow a conservative town and establishing churches beyond it. Of his hometown, Wilson plainly states, “Our desire is to make Moscow a Christian town.”

The CREC doctrine is opposed to religious pluralism or political points of view that diverge from its theology. On its website, the CREC says it is “committed to maintaining its Reformed faith, avoiding the pitfalls of cultural relevance and political compromise that destroys our doctrinal integrity.”

CREC churches adhere to a highly patriarchal and conservative interpretation of Scripture. Wilson has said that in a sexual relationship, “A woman receives, surrenders, accepts.”

Church-state separation

In a broader political sense, CREC theology includes the belief that the establishment clause of the Constitution does not require a separation of church and state. The most common reading of the establishment clause is that freedom of religion prohibits the installation of a state religion or religious tests to hold state office.

According to scholar of religion Julie Ingersoll, in this religious community there is “no distinction between religious issues and political ones.”

The CREC broadly asserts that the government and anyone serving in it should be Christian. For Wilson, this means Christians and only Christians are qualified to hold political office in the United States.

‘Church planting’

Scholar of religion Matthew Taylor explained in an interview with the Nashville Tennessean, “They believe the church is supposed to be militant in the world, is supposed to be reforming the world, and in some ways conquering the world.”

While the CREC may not have the name recognition of some large evangelical denominations or the visibility of some megachurches, it boasts churches across the United States and internationally.

Like some other evangelical denominations, the CREC uses “church planting” to grow its network. Planted churches do not require a centralized governing body to ordain their founding. Instead, those interested in starting a CREC congregation contact the CREC. The CREC then provides materials and literature for people to use in their church.

CREC controversies

As the church network has grown, it has drawn attention and scrutiny. In 1996, Wilson published a book positively depicting slavery and claiming slavery cultivated “affection among the races.”

Accusations of sexual abuse and the church’s handling of it have also brought national news coverage. Vice media’s Sarah Stankorb interviewed many women who talked about a culture, especially in marriage, where sexual abuse and assault was common. That reporting led to a podcast that details the accounts of survivors. In interviews, Wilson has denied any wrongdoing and said that claims of sexual abuse would be directed to the proper authorities.

Hegseth’s actions in May and June of 2025 as secretary of defense concerning gender identity and banning trans people from serving in the military, in addition to stripping gay activist and politician Harvey Milk’s name from a Navy ship, brought more attention to the CREC.

Hegseth’s religious rhetoric

As the Trump administration engages in military conflicts around the globe, Hegseth often uses religious language to justify them.

In a March 5, 2026, speech to South American and Central American leaders, Hegseth justified intervention in Venezuela, the blockade of Cuba and the attacks on boats across the region by invoking a shared Christian identity.

Hegseth said, “We share the same interests, and, because of this, we face an essential test – whether our nations will be and remain Western nations with distinct characteristics, Christian nations under God, proud of our shared heritage with strong borders and prosperous people, ruled not by violence and chaos but by law, order, and common sense.”

Hegseth’s comments about Iran since bombing began on Feb. 28 have also invoked religion. Some of these invocations align with Hegseth’s recurring references to the Crusades in the Middle Ages – a centuries-long holy war between Christians and Muslims. Hegseth has a tattoo that says “Deus Vult” – “God wills it” – the rallying cry of Crusaders, another with the Arabic word for infidel, and the Jerusalem cross, a prominent Christian nationalist symbol. He also published a book titled “American Crusade.”

In framing the use of overwhelming force in Iran, Hegseth said, “We’re fighting religious fanatics who seek a nuclear capability in order for some religious Armageddon.”

As long as Hegseth remains the secretary of defense, his affiliation with the CREC and religious language will likely provide insight into how these conflicts are managed at home and abroad.

This is an updated version of a piece first published on June 20, 2025.

– ref. What is CREC and how does it shape Pete Hegseth’s religious rhetoric? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-crec-and-how-does-it-shape-pete-hegseths-religious-rhetoric-279637

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/what-is-crec-and-how-does-it-shape-pete-hegseths-religious-rhetoric-279637/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Howard, Senior Lecturer, Discipline of English and Writing, University of Sydney

Nighttime. A dim and dingy car park. Woefully inadequate fluorescent lights flicker and buzz overhead. Two men stand in half-shadow. One is barely visible, his face almost entirely swallowed by darkness. His voice is low and gravelly:

The list is longer than anyone can imagine. It involves the entire US intelligence community. FBI, CIA, Justice. It’s incredible. The cover-up had little to do with Watergate. It was mainly to protect the covert operations. It leads everywhere. Get out your notebook. There’s more.

The other man is lost for words. He just stands there, mouth slightly open and eyes wide, trying to make sense of what he’s hearing. The exchange ends with an warning: his life, along with that of his colleague, in is grave and immediate danger.

This is a pivotal moment in Alan J. Pakula’s All the President’s Men, which has just turned 50. The film was based on the 1974 book by journalists Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, who investigated the Watergate scandal for the Washington Post.

The man doing the talking in the scene I’ve been describing is Mark Felt (Hal Holbrook), then associate director of the FBI, better known as “Deep Throat”. His interlocutor, temporarily stunned into silence, is Woodward (Robert Redford).

A masterpiece of political cinema, All The President’s Men remains one of the finest films about investigative journalism ever made.

Steeped in a fog of paranoia and distrust – an atmosphere shaped in no small part by cinematographer Gordon Willis’ matchless treatment of light and shade – it is as relevant now as it was on first release.

[embedded content]

Uncovering the Watergate scandal

“At its simplest,” journalist Garrett M. Graff writes about the scandal,

Watergate is the story of two separate criminal conspiracies: the Nixon world’s ‘dirty tricks’ that led to the burglary on June 17 1972, and the subsequent wider cover-up. The first conspiracy was deliberate, a sloppy and shambolic but nonetheless developed plan to subvert the 1972 election; the second was reactive, almost instinctive – it seems to have happened simply because no one said no.

What started out as an ostensibly ordinary break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in Washington, DC during the US presidential election cycle soon revealed a broader pattern of political espionage, illegal surveillance, campaign sabotage and the systematic misuse of state power. Much of it targeted perceived political enemies.

As the indefatigable Woodward and Bernstein pursued the story, it became clear the burglary was part of a much larger operation – one that reached all the way into the heart of the White House.

Their probing would ultimately lead to the disgrace and resignation of Richard Nixon, who faced near-certain impeachment.

Figuring out the puzzle

Redford was the driving force behind All the President’s Men.

He became interested in the Watergate story while working on The Candidate, a 1972 satire about the backstage machinations underpinning an idealistic Senate campaign that, in an instance of uncanny timing, overlapped with the unfolding scandal.

Redford followed Woodward and Bernstein’s investigation as it panned out in real time. In 1972, he reached out to Woodward directly, hoping to better understand both the facts of the case and the methods of the reporting.

[embedded content]

Convinced that the story demanded a restrained, quasi-documentary approach, Redford initially envisioned a black-and-white film shot in a pared-back style, with an emphasis on process rather than star power.

Warner Bros, with whom he had a production deal, thought otherwise. Having already agreed to finance the film, the studio insisted that Redford take a leading role – and marketed the as yet-unmade project as “the most devastating detective story” of the century.

There were early discussions about casting Al Pacino as Bernstein, fresh from the success of The Godfather (1972), but the part ultimately went to Dustin Hoffman. Pakula then signed on to direct, bringing with him a conceptual and tonal sensibility ideally suited to the material.

A quandary remained: how do you build suspense out of a story who outcome is already common knowledge? Film scholars Robert B. Ray and Christian Keathley suggest the filmmaking team’s response to that challenge is “the key” which unlocks the movie.

At one point, during his first meeting with Deep Throat, Woordward admits:

The story is dry. All we’ve got are pieces. We can’t seem to figure out what the puzzle is supposed to look like.

We share the confusion of the reporters as they struggle to get to the bottom of things. What might, in the wrong hands, have been a disastrous mistake turned out to be a masterstroke.

The result is an endlessly watchable and quotable (“Follow the money”) film that generates narrative and dramatic tension through the sheer difficultly of knowing anything at all.

In age beset by disinformation, brazen political deceit, strategic obfuscation and collapsing trust in public institutions, that lesson feels less historically distant than it does disturbingly prescient.

– ref. All The President’s Men at 50: one of the finest films about investigative journalism ever made – https://theconversation.com/all-the-presidents-men-at-50-one-of-the-finest-films-about-investigative-journalism-ever-made-279451

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/all-the-presidents-men-at-50-one-of-the-finest-films-about-investigative-journalism-ever-made-279451/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katja Hanewald, Associate Professor in Risk & Actuarial Studies, UNSW Sydney

For many Australians, most of their retirement wealth is tied up in their home. A simple, well-designed program to tap into those trillions in home equity could help boost their retirement incomes.

Such a program exists. However, it remains little known and underused.

The federal government’s Home Equity Access Scheme (HEAS) allows older Australians to access their housing wealth. It is open to Australian residents aged 67 or older who own real estate in Australia, regardless of whether they receive the age pension.

Similar to a reverse mortgage with a bank or specialist lender, the scheme lets older Australians supplement their retirement income through a federal government loan, secured against the equity in their home or other Australian real estate.

Yet government data shows just 18,691 people are currently taking part in the scheme, a relatively low take-up.

A recent report from Deloitte estimates reverse mortgages are used to access only about 1% of the A$3 trillion value of housing wealth owned by Australians aged 60 and over.

So, why isn’t the government scheme more popular?

How does the scheme work?

Retirees can “top up” any pension payment they receive up to a maximum of 150% of the maximum pension rate. People who do not receive the age pension (self-funded retirees) can receive up to the same maximum.

Participants can choose to receive:

• fortnightly payments, or
• a lump sum advance.

Compound interest is charged on the loan and accumulates over the life of the loan. This is the key difference from standard mortgage loans: people are not required to make regular repayments or interest payments (voluntary repayments can be made at any time).

The interest rate on the scheme is currently 3.95% and has been unchanged since January 2022. This is below the Reserve Bank’s official cash rate of 4.1% and well below commercial reverse mortgages, making it relatively cheap compared with other options.

It was previously known as the Pension Loans Scheme and was introduced in 1985 alongside the pension assets test.

Since 2019, the government has made several changes to the scheme to make it more attractive and expand eligibility. In 2022, lump sum advances were introduced.

A “no negative equity guarantee” was also introduced, meaning participants will never have to repay more than their home is worth, even if house prices fall.

How the scheme stacks up against private lenders

The government scheme shares many similarities with reverse mortgages offered by some banks and specialist lenders.

In both cases, the payments received are added to a loan that increases over time with interest. The loan is usually repaid when the home is sold, or from the estate after the borrower dies.

Voluntary repayments can be made at any time, but are not required.

Both commercial reverse mortgages and the government scheme offer regular or lump-sum payments, and include protections such as the no negative equity guarantee.

The payments have no impact on age pension payments if the loan is taken as a regular income stream to spend on living expenses or non-assessable assets.

The main differences are:

• under the government scheme, the payments are capped at 150% of the maximum age pension rate, whereas the commercial reverse mortgages can offer higher borrowing amounts.
• but banks and specialist lenders charge a higher interest rate on reverse mortgages, currently 8–9% per year, due to higher risks and market-based pricing.

Why such a low take-up rate?

Government data on its scheme shows the average loan amount was about $35,700 in December 2025. Of those taking part, 74% received the full age pension, 17% received a part pension, and 5% were self-funded retirees.

---

---

But with only 18,691 people taking part, take-up is still low.

As a government program, the scheme is not widely advertised. So it is good to see more superannuation funds providing their members with information about the scheme.

Some financial advisers may be unsure whether they can advise on the scheme. In January 2023, the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) clarified that financial advisers can provide advice on the government scheme without needing an Australian Credit Licence.

Behavioural factors, such as debt aversion and a preference to leave the home as an inheritance, may also explain the low take-up rate. The loan will be repaid out of the sale of the home, meaning proceeds from the sale will be reduced.

However, in our research, we argue that accessing housing wealth can allow families to bring forward bequests and reduce the uncertainty around the timing of inheritances.

Another barrier may be the perceived complexity of the scheme, particularly for retirees with limited financial literacy.

While the rules can seem complex, applications are handled through Services Australia and can be completed online via the MyGov portal, using a standard Centrelink claim process.

The home equity access scheme allows older Australians to access an affordable government loan to supplement their retirement income. It can help retirees who are “asset rich, but income poor” to improve their financial wellbeing, while allowing them to remain at home and in their communities.

– ref. This little-known government scheme can help retirees tap into $3 trillion of housing wealth – https://theconversation.com/this-little-known-government-scheme-can-help-retirees-tap-into-3-trillion-of-housing-wealth-279084

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/this-little-known-government-scheme-can-help-retirees-tap-into-3-trillion-of-housing-wealth-279084/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Lensen, Senior Lecturer in Artificial Intelligence, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

For New Zealanders, artificial intelligence (AI) is fast becoming as much a part of everyday life as smartphones and social media did before it.

According to the recently released 2026 InternetNZ Internet Insights report, nearly eight in ten Kiwis have used AI tools in the past year. More than half are now using them at least weekly.

But as use is rising, so too is unease about this transformative technology’s impact on society. In a recent survey, half of respondents were extremely or very concerned about AI’s implications for misinformation, privacy and potential misuse.

Other national surveys tell a similar story.

One found only a quarter of respondents believed current safeguards are sufficient to make AI use safe. In another, two thirds of those surveyed said they would stop using a company’s products if they had concerns about how it was using AI.

These views are not surprising. Major AI companies are increasingly entangled in everything from “deepfake” images and AI-generated misinformation to geopolitics and military applications.

At the same time, this widespread distrust could represent another opportunity for New Zealand to influence big tech – and build our own valuable brand grounded in responsible AI.

Who controls AI – and on whose terms?

The US-Israel war on Iran – where AI has helped identify bombing targets – has raised fresh concerns about the technology.

In the lead-up to the conflict, major AI companies were pressured by the US Department of War to allow widespread military uses of their AI systems.

Anthropic pushed for limits on applications like autonomous weapons and surveillance but was sidelined. Rival OpenAI instead agreed to allow broad “lawful” military uses, prompting a backlash and reports of users deleting the company’s ChatGPT at triple the usual rate.

China’s military is meanwhile leveraging its own AI-powered systems, while companies like Palantir, chaired by US billionaire and New Zealand citizen Peter Thiel, have reportedly supplied AI tools used by militaries in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran.

New Zealand’s defence ministry is now mulling its own approach, with parliament divided on the issue.

These developments highlight how closely advanced AI companies are becoming entwined with state power, blurring the line between consumer technology and instruments of war.

Aside from military use, these systems are also vulnerable to political pressures in the US, including government influence over how they are deployed and used. Research has shown the products can reflect the values and biases of their creators.

As they spread globally, they are also increasingly seen as a form of what has been called “digital colonialism” – where powerful countries and companies export technologies that embed their own values and priorities in other societies.

How NZ can be a leader in AI

For all the concern expressed by New Zealanders, the country has so far taken a “light-touch” regulatory stance on the technology.

Rather than create dedicated regulation, as a recent open letter from AI experts to political leaders has called for, the government has chosen to rely on a patchwork of existing rules.

As consumers, New Zealanders have little say in how these products are evolving, how they are designed or who they sometimes serve. This reinforces the common feeling that AI is something happening to us, but not for us.

It is also sometimes claimed the country is being left behind in the “AI race”, particularly by New Zealand business leaders concerned about keeping up with rapid technological change.

But there is another way for New Zealand, even with its limited scale and capacity, to make its mark in the AI world.

This would involve playing to its global reputation for integrity, human rights and independent thinking. Initiatives such as the Christchurch Call – launched after the 2019 mosque attacks to curb online extremist content – showed how a small country can convene governments and technology companies around shared standards.

In this case, New Zealand could strategically position itself at the forefront of a growing global push for responsible AI, which advocates for values such as fairness, accountability, safety and privacy.

The nation’s Māori data sovereignty movement is already an example of responsible data use. Māori values such as kaitiakitanga (guardianship and stewardship) reframe data as taonga (treasured or sacred assets) deserving careful protection.

Just as it did by drawing attention to social media harm with the Christchurch Call, New Zealand could collaborate with like-minded countries to push big tech companies to adopt concrete safeguards.

These could include measures such as watermarking and mandatory human oversight by a range of governance groups. This would also involve introducing standards for reporting environmental impact and auditing bias, ensuring AI aligns with New Zealanders’ expectations.

The government could work with industry to set clearer expectations for responsible AI – building on existing guidance for businesses on safe and ethical use – and invest in the development of local products that meet those standards.

There is also an economic opportunity.

Local companies could use this reputation to differentiate themselves in a global market where trust is becoming increasingly important. Research by global consultancy PwC suggests responsible AI can create real value, with more resilient systems and fewer trust-damaging failures.

Advocating for safe, responsible AI with clear economic benefits should be an easy decision – and the recent survey findings provide a clear mandate to do so.

But New Zealand won’t get there without decisive political leadership and a cohesive strategy. In an election year, politicians should be challenged to commit to AI that serves both its economy and its people.

---

The authors acknowledge the contribution of Dr Andrew Chen to this article.

---

– ref. Could NZ’s next Christchurch Call be a push for fairer, safer AI? – https://theconversation.com/could-nzs-next-christchurch-call-be-a-push-for-fairer-safer-ai-279085

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/could-nzs-next-christchurch-call-be-a-push-for-fairer-safer-ai-279085/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tom Fairman, Forest and fire scientist, The University of Melbourne

The tall alpine ash forests in Australia’s high country have lived in a delicate relationship with fire for tens of thousands of years.

Intensifying fire seasons are threatening this balance to the extent the Federal Government has just officially listed this forest type as an endangered ecosystem. This means these forests face a high risk of collapse or extinction.

It is alarming that alpine ash forests are facing an existential threat. What does this mean, and what can we do to save them?

What is alpine ash?

Alpine ash (Eucalyptus delegatensis) on the Australian mainland (there is a related species in Tasmania) is a tall species of eucalypt that covers over 350,000 hectares of high country across the Great Dividing Range, stretching from Canberra to east of Melbourne.

Alpine ash can grow to 90 metres tall, and when dusted with snow it forms a stunning forest that provides shelter and habitat for a range of rare mammals, such as Leadbeater’s possums and greater gliders.

It is also an important part of First Nations cultural landscapes – in north-east Victoria, the Taungurung people harvested Bogong moths (or Deberra) when the moths migrated to mountain forests where alpine ash is a key part of the landscape.

Alpine ash is a “fire sensitive” eucalypt – but its relationship with fire is paradoxical.

While mature trees die after intense fire, it also clears the way for a prolific flush of regeneration from fallen seeds. But these regenerating alpine ash trees won’t produce their own seed for 20 years.

Another severe fire during this time – the Achilles heel of the species – kills the regenerating forest, with no seed to save it. It can only be recovered by artificially sowing seeds, usually by aircraft.

This Goldilocks-like balance of fire has served Alpine ash well until now. But the increased frequency of severe fire over the last 20 years – including the Black Summer fires – has raised such concern about its ecological health that it has now been listed as “endangered” under Australia’s nature laws.

Why is alpine ash now endangered?

There are a range of factors the federal government uses to assess the status of an ecological community, those naturally-occurring species that live together in the same habitat.

There has been a major decline in numbers of alpine ash trees because of extensive and severe bushfires over the past 20 years. During these, a third of all alpine ash forest burned more than once during their vulnerable immature regrowing phase.

The frequent fires have severely affected these forests, which have lost tree cover, the usual rich mix of species and their ability to function.

In the future, we predict alpine ash forests may decline by half within the next 60 years because of more-frequent fires, which will lead to regeneration failure. To lose this much forest would be devastating for the landscape and the species that live there, and release the carbon these forests store.

Can we save alpine ash forests?

These predictions should prompt a substantial rethink of how we manage, protect and care for these forests.

Firstly, we need to change what it means to “protect forests”. Typically, mainstream forest protection focuses on stopping logging and creating national parks. In the case of alpine ash, these solutions have limited use.

Alpine ash forests are already well represented in conservation reserves, with over half in existing national parks. And climate change and more frequent fires will occur inside national parks as well as outside them. Furthermore, logging is now banned in Victoria and the ACT, and does not occur in the majority of alpine ash forests.

For alpine ash forests to flourish, we need creative and active management, such as:

But we must be realistic about how many alpine ash forests can be saved. Even with our best management, extensive areas of alpine ash will be lost.

Accepting loss

We need to work out which forests can be saved and those that cannot. One approach which may help is the ‘Resist-Accept-Direct’ framework developed by the US National Parks Service.

This acknowledges our ecosystems will be severely stressed by climate change and change is unavoidable. It gives forest managers three options:

• resist change by maintaining the current forest type. This could mean suppressing fire or resowing alpine ash after repeat fires

• accept change and embrace new ecosystems that arise. This means not intervening after frequent disturbance, and monitoring what happens

• direct change to a new type of ecosystem. This approach – the most controversial – means in forests likely to be frequently burned, alpine ash is replaced with more fire-tolerant eucalypts.

Working out which of these paths are suitable for alpine ash is a major task for land managers, researchers, and the community.

A clear warning

The listing of alpine ash as endangered is a clear warning to Australians. One of the most widespread types of forest in our high country is facing an existential threat.

Doing nothing is not an option.

We need bold and innovative action to steward alpine ash forests through the next century, before it is too late.

– ref. Australia’s alpine ash forests are now officially endangered. Can we save them? – https://theconversation.com/australias-alpine-ash-forests-are-now-officially-endangered-can-we-save-them-279099

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/australias-alpine-ash-forests-are-now-officially-endangered-can-we-save-them-279099/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daryl Efron, Associate Professor, Department of Paediatrics, The University of Melbourne

In the past ten years or so there has been a lot of interest to see if medicinal cannabis can help children with emotional and behavioural problems – the ones associated with conditions such as autism, ADHD (attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder) and Tourette syndrome.

Australia’s drug regulator confirms doctors are prescribing medicinal cannabis for such conditions.

If discussions on social media are anything to go by, some parents want their children to try it when other strategies have not worked. Some teenagers are curious to see if it’s right for them.

But there’s not yet a lot of high-quality evidence to support medicinal cannabis for these emotional and behavioural problems. There are also potential safety concerns.

Why medicinal cannabis?

Many children with conditions such as ADHD, autism and Tourette’s have major emotional and behavioural problems, including anxiety, agitation and aggression. Alongside psychological therapy, and family and other supports, these children often take medications such as stimulants, antidepressants and anti-psychotics.

These medications can be very helpful, especially for ADHD. But these medications are not effective for all children with these conditions. They also have a high rate of side effects.

So some doctors and parents hope medicinal cannabis can help manage these emotional and behavioural problems and possibly allow some children to stop taking their other medications.

According to data from the Therapeutic Goods Administration (or TGA), autism, anxiety and ADHD are among the most common conditions for which medicinal cannabis is prescribed for children and teenagers in Australia.

However, our survey found over half of the medicinal cannabis used for children with emotional or behavioural problems was purchased without a medical prescription, and one-quarter had not told their child’s doctor about it.

Some parents hear about the potential for medicinal cannabis to help their children from online support groups. Others read about it on websites of medicinal cannabis clinics or manufacturers, or via media reports.

Does it work?

There have not been many high-quality studies of using medicinal cannabis in children with behavioural and emotional difficulties. Most have not used a placebo (such as oil without any cannabis) to compare.

The best designed study so far found mixed results in 150 people aged 5–21 years with autism. Some of its findings suggest medicinal cannabis may help with disruptive behaviour, other findings suggest it is no better than placebo.

A number of well-designed clinical trials of medicinal cannabis are being conducted internationally in children and adolescents with conditions including autism and ADHD.

Our large Australian study in children with intellectual disabilities and autism has just been completed. We expect results will be published this year.

So, to date, the published evidence does not support its use for behavioural and emotional difficulties in children and adolescents.

---

Medicinal cannabis prescriptions have skyrocketed in Australia, mostly for legal but unapproved products we don’t even know work or are safe. In this series, experts tease out what’s fuelling the rise of medicinal cannabis, the fallout, and what needs to happen next.

---

Are there side effects?

Like all other medicines, medicinal cannabis has potential side effects. These differ depending on the main active ingredient.

There are hundreds of chemicals in the cannabis plant. But the two main ones are tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) and cannabidiol (CBD).

THC is a powerful compound that causes the “high” in recreational cannabis use. Because it can potentially cause serious side-effects (such as paranoia and psychosis), it’s not generally recommended for children.

But CBD seems to cause fewer side effects. These include a stomach upset, decreased appetite, irritability or feeling sleepy. So some doctors might prescribe a trial of CBD, despite the lack of strong evidence to show it works.

However, CBD needs to be used carefully if a child is also taking certain other medications, such as some sedatives and anti-seizure medicines. That’s because it can interact and cause other medicines to build up, increasing the risk of side effects.

There have also been no studies of the long-term effects of medicinal cannabis on children.

Is it right for my child?

Most medicinal cannabis products prescribed in Australia for any condition are “unapproved”. This means the TGA has not assessed them for safety, quality or effectiveness.

However, if you’d like to find out more, talk to your child’s doctor. They will consider your child’s medical history, existing medications, discuss the options, and explain the pros and cons.

If it’s right for your child, they will likely prescribe a product containing almost entirely CBD, as an oil taken orally. Pastilles (tablets that dissolve in the mouth) are also available, as well as cannabis gels that are rubbed on the skin.

However, medicinal cannabis for behavioural and emotional problems is not subsidised by the government, so is expensive. The price varies according to factors including the dose used, the individual product and the supplier.

Some caution

Until robust evidence comes in, we don’t yet know if medicinal cannabis works to manage children’s emotional and behavioural problems. There are also some potential safety concerns.

So your child’s doctor is best placed to give personalised advice.

– ref. Can medicinal cannabis help kids’ autism, ADHD or Tourette’s? Here’s what we know so far – https://theconversation.com/can-medicinal-cannabis-help-kids-autism-adhd-or-tourettes-heres-what-we-know-so-far-271088

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/can-medicinal-cannabis-help-kids-autism-adhd-or-tourettes-heres-what-we-know-so-far-271088/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna-Sophie Jürgens, Senior Lecturer in Science Communication at the Australian National Centre for the Public Awareness of Science, and Founder of Popsicule, ANU’s Science in Popular Culture and Entertainment Hub, Australian National University

The relationship between science and pop culture often looks like a one-way street: scientific discoveries inspire films, television and novels, particularly in science fiction. But the relationship really goes both ways, and extends beyond sci-fi.

Increasingly, pop culture shapes how science is imagined, discussed, and in some cases how it is developed.

From Jurassic Park to The Last of Us and cutting-edge debates about the safety of artificial intelligence (AI), fictional narratives do more than entertain.

They shape the frameworks through which audiences – including scientists, policymakers and funders – make sense of complex scientific ideas and of science itself. In doing so, they influence what seems possible and plausible, as well as what we want and fear.

From Jurassic Park to reality

Your scientists were so preoccupied with whether they could, they didn’t stop to think if they should.

This famous line, delivered by fictional mathematician Ian Malcolm in Jurassic Park, has become a touchstone in debates about emerging technologies.

Take de-extinction. When biotechnology company Colossal Biosciences announced plans in 2021 to revive bygone species such as the woolly mammoth, the comparison was immediate: Jurassic Park. The film has become a cultural shorthand for the promises and pitfalls of bringing extinct species back to life.

Scientists and commentators alike invoke its famous ethical warning – that the question of whether we should do something is separate from whether we can. These references are not merely rhetorical. They shape how research is communicated, debated and understood.

By framing de-extinction through a familiar narrative, Jurassic Park has influenced public expectations, ethical anxieties and media discourse. We see projects described as “real-life Jurassic Park”, debates about whether such technologies should be pursued citing the film, and journalists using it as a shorthand when covering emerging biotechnologies.

Assimilating aliens and fungal zombies

The influence of science fiction can extend to scientific practice itself. Researchers named DNA elements which incorporate foreign genetic material “Borgs”, for example, after the assimilating aliens from Star Trek.

A similar dynamic can be seen in responses to HBO’s The Last of Us, which imagines a global pandemic caused by a parasitic fungus that transforms humans into zombie-like creatures. Following the show’s release, scientists reported renewed public interest in fungal pathogens.

Indeed, the “worst-case scenario” presented in the series prompted immunologists and mycologists to examine the biological plausibility of a fungal leap to humans.

While the temperature of the human body is inhospitable to most kinds of fungus, and we need not fear the aggressive biting depicted in fiction, experts warn that climate change and agricultural fungicide overuse are accelerating fungal adaptation to higher temperatures. This makes The Last of Us a sobering alarm for real-world problems.

In both cases, pop culture does not simply reflect scientific knowledge. It shapes how that knowledge is encountered, interpreted and imagined.

Killer superintelligence

One of the most compelling examples of this feedback loop today is AI. Popular culture has long been fascinated with intelligent machines, often imagining them as existential threats. We see this from deceptive superintelligences to human extinction, as portrayed in Ex Machina, The Matrix and The Terminator. These narratives have left a deep imprint on public consciousness.

Today, similar themes appear in real-world debates about AI safety. Prominent figures in AI debates, such as Nick Bostrom, Eliezer Yudkowsky and Geoffrey Hinton, have warned about the potential risks of advanced AI. The warnings include scenarios that echo earlier fictional imaginings.

While these arguments are grounded in technical and philosophical work, they resonate so widely in part because they align with familiar cultural narratives.

This does not mean concerns about AI are simply fictional. Rather, it shows how deeply intertwined scientific thinking and cultural imagination can be.

Understanding the feedback loop

Pop culture helps establish the language, metaphors, and expectations through which emerging technologies are understood. It shapes how scientific ideas, ideas about science, and images of scientists circulate beyond laboratories and institutions – and, in turn, how science is understood, valued and positioned in society.

At the same time, science continues to feed back into pop culture. Advances in genetics, epidemiology and AI provide new material for storytellers, shaping the kinds of futures that are imagined on screen. The result is a dynamic feedback loop: science inspires stories, and those stories in turn influence how science develops.

Despite this, the role of pop culture is rarely acknowledged in how we think about science policy and funding. Discussions tend to focus on infrastructure and technical capability, while overlooking the cultural forces that shape public imagination.

Yet these forces play a crucial role in determining which scientific futures feel worth pursuing. This matters because public perception influences everything from research funding to regulatory priorities.

If certain technologies are seen as exciting, frightening or inevitable, this affects how they are supported, scrutinised or resisted. Pop culture is one of the key arenas in which these perceptions are formed.

– ref. From Jurassic Park to dreams of AI doom, pop culture shapes science more than we like to admit – https://theconversation.com/from-jurassic-park-to-dreams-of-ai-doom-pop-culture-shapes-science-more-than-we-like-to-admit-279245

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/from-jurassic-park-to-dreams-of-ai-doom-pop-culture-shapes-science-more-than-we-like-to-admit-279245/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robert Breunig, Professor of Economics and Director, Tax and Transfer Policy Institute, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Australia is a global success story. The structural reforms in the 1980s and ‘90s of liberalising trade, floating the dollar and reducing government involvement in the economy ignited an unprecedented period of growth. What followed was almost 30 years of uninterrupted economic growth and a substantial increase in living standards.

Crucially, this happened without a massive spike in inequality. A 2024 report from the Productivity Commission affirmed that our tax and transfer system played a significant role in redistributing income.

And while the size of government ballooned in Europe, with government expenditure soaring to around 50% of GDP (gross domestic product) in the EU, it has remained comparatively lean in Australia, staying around 24%.

Yet, unlike the US, Australia did not gut its social safety net. We deliver top-tier health outcomes, provide robust support to low-income earners and maintain a high-quality public education system.

How did we pull off this exceptional outcome? It’s largely because of something the current government seems to want to do less and less: means testing. We can see this in action with policies such as student debt cuts and electric vehicle tax concessions.

The shift towards universal policies may seem fair, but it’s creating a system that gives to the wealthy at the expense of the poor.

Hitting the target

The idea is simple: support should be directed to those who lack the financial capacity to pay, while those with sufficient means should contribute for themselves.

Our tax and transfer system is one of the most targeted in the world. Research by academic Peter Whiteford highlights that Australia’s social security system is more targeted to the poor than that of any other OECD country.

[embedded content]

But despite the success, Australia is drifting from means testing and towards universal programs: initiatives that deliver goods and services to all people irrespective of their ability to pay.

Universally good

Of course, there are some services we should, and do, provide universally. For example, take the armed forces (which protects all Australians equally), public education or even public parks.

Scholars such as Louis Kaplow argue public goods shouldn’t be means tested as they’re positive for society as a whole.

Universal programs can be attractive to policymakers because they’re cheaper and easier to administer since they don’t require the assessment of eligibility.

It has also been argued that universal programs can generate broader political support. However, support for Australia’s targeted social safety net has remained strong, largely because the majority of Australians benefit from that safety net at some point in their lives.

One argument against means testing is that, by withdrawing benefits as incomes increase, it creates large effective marginal tax rates. These rates capture the increase in tax paid and the reduction in benefits received as a person’s income increases.

On paper, these can negatively impact workforce participation, especially for the lower income member in a household, as people may decide they’re financially better off not working and receiving welfare instead.

But in practice, it’s hard to find large effects of these tax rates as many people simply jump over them when they increase their hours of work by a substantial amount.

Money to the privileged

Our targeted system is fraying on two fronts: the rapid expansion of new universal programs and widening cracks in how we means test existing ones.

Consider the proliferation of universal (or poorly targeted) benefits.

The Energy Bill Relief Fund was first introduced in 2023. Every household and around one million small businesses have received rebates automatically applied to their electricity bills, regardless of income, financial circumstance or energy usage.

[embedded content]

The NDIS was designed as a lifeline for those with severe disabilities. But the scheme’s costs have blown out, partly because its uncapped model lacks the strict targeting traditionally seen in Australian social services.

The Fringe Benefits Tax exemption for electric vehicles (EVs) removes the 47% tax on eligible, employer-provided EVs, significantly lowering costs via novated leases. This policy provides generous tax concessions to individuals purchasing EVs. It’s a targeted subsidy for the rich, as EV owners are primarily high-income.

Universal can be regressive

The combination of progressive taxation (a tax rate that increases as your income rises) and targeted assistance produces a system that is highly progressive. Universality moves away from progressiveness by giving benefits to the wealthy.

Sometimes universality is downright regressive, where more of the relative tax burden is shouldered by low-income earners, such as the EV tax concessions.

Look at the government’s decision to cut all HECS-HELP student debts by 20%, which applied universally to all holders of student loans regardless of income.

When we account for the fact that university students and graduates tend to come from wealthier families and generate higher lifetime wages, it becomes clearer how this “universal” program can be seen as taking tax-money away from the broader, often less well-off public to give money to the more privileged.

As I have argued elsewhere, our current childcare subsidy regime is well targeted, reducing costs for low-income families to a small fraction of the true price.

But recent expansion of these benefits has been far less targeted, with a growing share of additional spending flowing to relatively wealthy households.

Proposals such as a three-day guarantee would push this further, funnelling substantial new subsidies to families who can readily afford to pay.

Rather than focusing support on those who need it most, these policies risk making the system increasingly regressive.

Their political appeal is obvious. But universal subsidies come at a cost: the broader and less targeted they are, the less equitable they become.

And even when we do means test, loopholes can undermine effectiveness.

Means testing only works if we accurately assess people’s wealth and income. If certain assets are “excluded”, wealthy people can look poor on paper and receive government benefits.

Older Australians have become much wealthier on average. A substantial proportion receiving the full age pension live in homes worth more than A$1 million. As highlighted in our paper, excluding the family home from the pension asset test means taxpayers subsidise the consumption of asset-millionaires, who then pass their untaxed wealth to their children. This is a disaster for intergenerational equity.

What do we want?

Universal benefits are extremely expensive. Despite the popular narrative that suggests “we can just get the rich to pay more tax”, this is not reflected in reality.

France and the Scandinavian countries have had to rely on very heavy tax burdens on the middle class in order to afford their universal systems. These are achieved through high income taxes, broad social security levies and GST rates of well over 20%.

We can go down this road if Australians truly want it, but they likely don’t.

The alternative, of course, is to just fund these universal schemes through larger budget deficits. But this is simply a tax on future Australians.

– ref. By avoiding means testing, the government is giving handouts to the rich – https://theconversation.com/by-avoiding-means-testing-the-government-is-giving-handouts-to-the-rich-278660

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/by-avoiding-means-testing-the-government-is-giving-handouts-to-the-rich-278660/

ANALYSIS: Introduced by Robert Reich

From time to time, I post transcripts I’ve come across of particularly insightful conversations. Here’s one that’s particularly relevant to the US “No Kings” Day protests at the weekend.

Recently, The Conversation hosted a webinar in which executive editor and general manager Beth Daley interviewed John Shattuck, professor of practice at The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, and Oliver Kaplan, associate professor at Josef Korbel School of Global and Public Affairs at the University of Denver and a visiting scholar at Stanford University.

Shattuck is the former president of Central European University in Hungary, where he defended academic freedom against a rising authoritarian government. Kaplan is the author of Resisting War: How Communities Protect Themselves. This interview has been condensed and edited for print.

BETH DALEY: What is an authoritarian regime, and what are their characteristics?

JOHN SHATTUCK: The authoritarian, often referred to as a “king,” is the ideal role from the point of view of the king, but certainly not from the point of view of the people. Authoritarian characteristics include centralised unlimited power, the opposite of democracy; no accountability and no rule of law; no independent courts; no checks and balances on how the king operates; rule by fear and coercion, and when necessary, in order to carry out the king’s orders, rule by by force.

There are no individual rights or civil liberties except those the king decides to allow those who are loyal to him to have, at least until he decides to take them away.

That’s a nutshell informal description of an authoritarian regime. A special threat today is that an authoritarian can emerge from a democratic election, and, indeed, a democratic election can be used to turn a weak democracy into an authoritarian regime.

But when this happens, it opens the door to challenge the authoritarian in a subsequent election if civic activism can defend the electoral process by which the authoritarian was elected.

BD: What are we seeing and not seeing in the US that other countries have gone through in terms of authoritarian government?

OLIVER KAPLAN: I think we are heading toward an autocracy, if not there already. In their 2026 report, the Varieties of Democracy Project writes that the US is no longer a liberal democracy and is moving into “competitive authoritarianism,” marked by executive overreach and erosion of judicial and legislative checks. The report notes that US democracy is being dismantled at a speed that is “unprecedented in modern history”.

We are seeing shifts in terms of concentration of power to the executive branch and a disregard of the rule of law, things like ignoring court orders and difficulty with holding the executive branch accountable. We are also seeing the militariSation of law enforcement, monitoring of US citizens, and what some refer to as the dual state — that the state is working for some people while causing more challenges for or oppressing other people.

One of the things we’re not seeing at full force yet is a complete shutdown of civic space. We’re able to hold this kind of conversation, and people are still able to dialogue and go out on the street.

There are some efforts at curtailing free speech, and I think there’s some self-censorship possibly happening. But there’s still this open space and a powerful mass movement growing in this country.

USA today:

7 million Americans in the streets today protesting for freedom.
3,000 cities and towns. Every single state. “No Kings” protests against the authoritarianism of the Trump. This is one of the largest demonstrations in American history.

pic.twitter.com/cLAwlXK69f

— James Melville 🚜 (@JamesMelville) March 28, 2026

BD: John, you were on the front lines, particularly in Hungary as the head of Central European University. What did you see there that has parallels today to the US?

JOHN SHATTUCK: There’s certainly a parallel between Hungary and the US, even though the countries are very different in size, history and background. What I saw in Hungary when I became president of Central European University in 2009 was a weak, new democracy that was only established in 1990 after 70 years of fascism and communism.

I was in Hungary from 2009 to 2016 and, despite the differences, I could begin to see some parallels. Many people had grievances in Hungary about how their economy was operating, particularly after the global financial crisis that affected Hungary more than any other Eastern European country.

Then there was an urban-rural divide, the urban elite versus the rural majority in the country.

Along came a cynical populist-nationalist politician, Viktor Orbán. Orbán started manipulating these grievances, and did so to significantly divide Hungarian society. He attacked many of the institutions of democracy, which were increasingly unpopular because of people’s grievances.

He went after elites, and foreigners, and migrants, and the media. And he blamed all of them for the country’s problems. He then was able to ride these grievances into office.

Once in office, Orbán amended the constitution and laws relating to the Parliament. He undermined the independence of the media and the judiciary so as to centralise power. All of this happened while I was running an international university in Budapest, which remained independent because it received no funding from the Hungarian government.

We were able to resist the increasingly authoritarian regime over issues of academic freedom. The government tried to shut down our programmes of migration studies and gender studies, and tried to censor aspects of our history department.

These authoritarian attacks are similar to what we’ve seen happening in the US, and in fact, Viktor Orbán was greatly admired by Donald Trump, and a lot of the playbook that Orban has followed was mirrored in Project 2025 in the US under Trump.

BD: How do communities respond in different ways to authoritarian regimes?

OLIVER KAPLAN: Pro-democracy movements and protection types of movements at the local level often co-occur. For example, in Colombia there have been various leftist movements and political parties that have pushed for greater democratic opening while communities mobilise to keep people safe and help them cope with repressive conditions.

In places like Chile, El Salvador and Guatemala, communities built trust and support networks to provide aid, such as for people who needed food assistance. This provides space to independently operate and preserve the community.

The US has parallels, such as innovating early warning networks to get advance notice of risks and threats, by communicating using the Signal app. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, villages set up radio networks, and in Ukraine they have sophisticated early warning networks to get word of airstrikes and drone attacks.

Fact-finding and countering stigma are important, and in the US we’re seeing that in the form of the video recording and publicising of harmful actions. This has played out similarly in Syria with fact-finding to protect nongovernment organisations.

There’s also accompaniment where outside actors come in to provide support to communities. Around the world, church organisations play important accompaniment roles. We’re seeing clergy in the US step up and visit places that are at risk.

And then, there are protests, the most visible kind of action. In Minnesota, we’ve seen communities actually setting up community barricades, which has also happened in Mexico, Colombia and Northern Ireland. Communicating the nonviolent nature of these movements is important to avoid any pretext for additional crackdowns.

I think Americans have been taking similar actions to other places around the world in part because there are some similar background conditions: repression and strong social capital networks. Those two things come together to produce these strategies.

BD: Could you speak more about the need to build a clear narrative and a positive one?

JOHN SHATTUCK: There are two basic rules for how to resist authoritarianism that I’ve learned from experience: Build a diverse coalition and develop a unifying theme. You need a diverse coalition in order to appeal to a broad range of the public, and in order to do that, you need agreement on the goal and values of what you’re trying to accomplish.

You need a clear and unifying narrative. The narrative often involves economic issues and issues of corruption, since there’s often a great deal of corruption in authoritarian regimes.

Hungary will have its next parliamentary election in April in which Orbán will seek his fifth term as prime minister. The opposition has developed a broad coalition and a unifying theme, while Orbán is using the centralised instruments of government and media that he controls to try to manipulate public opinion.

The opposition coalition is headed by Peter Magyar, who was once a major supporter of Orbán’s government. Magyar’s name can be magical in Hungary — sort of like a “Joe America” in the US.

With Magyar as its head, the opposition is aiming to peel off supporters of the regime. It’s campaigning on economic grounds, with a positive message and on moderate terms. And most importantly, it includes parties from the left, right and center.

Poland has succeeded in doing what the Hungarian opposition is attempting. It managed to vote out an authoritarian government by putting together a broad coalition to defend the independence of the Polish judiciary. That became a coalition to elect parliamentarians in 2023, and that succeeded in changing the government.

BD: How important is the preexisting social fabric of a community to the success of a protest movement?

JOHN SHATTUCK: It’s important, but complicated. Hungary had a very weak civil society after 70 years of totalitarian fascism and communism. When I was there, the very word to “volunteer,” which we think of as the essence of community action and service, was seen to be a bad word in Hungarian because it was closely associated with collaborating with the regime.

In the US, we’re the opposite in a sense, although the US is now slipping on this. We have a long history of volunteerism, we have all these civil society organisations, we have a tradition of barn raising, people getting together with their neighbours and doing things in their communities. This is very much a part of the American spirit and a core value.

But today, I would say a combination of consumerism and economic individualism coming out of decades of economic deregulation has caused our civil society to fray. But the authoritarian challenge that we face now, and the way in which we are beginning to respond to it, is in fact bringing communities back together again.

I think what happened in Minneapolis is an example of that. And this may reflect a growing capacity to resist an authoritarian regime.

Republished from Robert Reich’s Substack, originally published by The Conversation. Republished under Creative Commons.

Robert Reich is an American professor, writer, former Secretary of Labour, and author of The System, The Common Good, Saving Capitalism, Aftershock, Supercapitalism, The Work of Nations. He is also co-founder of Inequality Media.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/no-kings-what-americans-can-learn-from-other-nonviolent-civil-activism-movements/

The war in Iran is in its second month. A war started by a criminal defendant, a convicted felon, and a blackmail network that explains everything Western leaders won’t say. Michael West Media reports.

COMMENTARY: By Andrew Brown

Two men are mainly responsible for the war on Iran. And then there are those — such as Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese — who wilfully acquiesce to their murderous whims.

It’s the men. Not their press releases. Not their carefully managed public personas. Not the language their communications teams have stress tested for maximum palatability.

It’s the men themselves.

Their records. Their legal jeopardy. And the extraordinary, historically unprecedented fact that the two primary architects of a war now costing ordinary Australians their livelihoods are both, in their own ways, running from accountability while simultaneously running the world.

Benjamin Netanyahu
Netanyahu is not merely a controversial leader prosecuting a controversial war. He is a criminal defendant. An accused man.

A person who, under the laws of his own country, not the laws of his enemies, not the laws of international tribunals, he can dismiss as biased, stands charged with fraud, breach of trust, and bribery.

His trial has been grinding through Israel’s courts since 2020. It has not concluded. And critics, serious critics, within Israel’s own legal and political establishment, have made the case, with mounting evidence, that the prolongation of this war serves Netanyahu’s personal legal interests at least as much as it serves Israel’s security ones.

Think about what that means.

A man facing prison. A man whose political survival depends on remaining in power. A man for whom a ceasefire, a negotiated peace, a return to normalcy could mean the resumption of court proceedings that his wartime emergency has conveniently disrupted. A man whose far-right coalition partners have made clear they will collapse the government the moment the guns fall silent.

This man, this specific man, in this specific legal and political predicament, has been handed a blank cheque by Washington. Unlimited weapons. Diplomatic cover.

A US veto at the Security Council every time the international community tries to intervene.

And Anthony Albanese calls the objectives of his war appropriate.

ICC arrest warrant
The International Criminal Court did not call them appropriate. It issued an arrest warrant.

A warrant that sits unrequited and unenforced as Western governments, including Australia’s, conduct business as usual with a man the court has found reasonable grounds to prosecute for war crimes. This is not a technicality. This is not a diplomatic inconvenience. It is the most fundamental possible test of whether the rules-based international order that Australia constantly invokes as a guiding principle means anything whatsoever.

And Australia is failing that test, quietly, daily,

with a smile and a press release about shared values.

This is the casus belli we are never allowed to examine. Not the security rationale. Not the stated military objectives. The actual human being in whose name and for whose benefit this catastrophe is being prosecuted. And what that human being is running from.

Donald Trump
Donald Trump returned to the White House in January 2025 carrying more legal and personal baggage than any president in American history.

A convicted felon. Civil judgments in the hundreds of millions of dollars. And something else, something the mainstream press, particularly in America and Australia, has handled with a caution so extraordinary it constitutes institutional cowardice — the Epstein files.

Jeffrey Epstein was not a lone predator. He was the centre of a network. A procurement and blackmail operation, almost certainly intelligence connected, that ran for decades across the highest levels of American, British, and Israeli power.

The files released in dribs and drabs, fought over in courts, partially suppressed and heavily redacted, point toward a system of leverage that compromised some of the most powerful men on earth.

Trump’s name appears in those files thousands of times. His association with Epstein was long, documented, and by his own prior admission, enthusiastic. In a 2002 interview, he described Epstein as terrific fun, noting approvingly that he liked beautiful women, many of them on the younger side.

That statement was made publicly. It has not been retracted.

It has simply been absorbed into the general noise of a political culture that has lost the capacity for appropriate disgust.

But the Epstein connection is not merely a personal scandal. It is a geopolitical one.

Epstein’s operation did not exist in a vacuum. Ghislaine Maxwell, his co-conspirator, convicted and imprisoned, was the daughter of Robert Maxwell, the media baron confirmed after his death to have been a Mossad asset.

The intelligence dimensions of the Epstein network have been reported by journalists of unimpeachable seriousness across multiple continents. The suggestion that a blackmail operation of this scale, running through the power centres of American political and financial life for decades, had no connection to the intelligence services that specialise precisely in this kind of leverage is not a serious position.

It is wilful blindness.

The Mossad connection
Mossad is Israel’s foreign intelligence service and one of the most operationally aggressive intelligence agencies on the planet. It has assassinated scientists in foreign countries. It has conducted sabotage operations across the Middle East. It has run networks of influence, surveillance, and covert pressure in Western capitals for decades.

This is not conspiracy. This is its known, partially acknowledged, historically documented record.

What the Epstein network, the Mossad connection, the Maxwell lineage, and the drip feed of suppressed files collectively describe, if you follow the thread honestly and without flinching, is a Western political order in which deference to Israeli policy is not entirely or even primarily explained by shared democratic values and strategic alignment.

Some of it is explained by fear.

Some of it is explained by leverage.

Some of it is explained by the quiet, unspoken, never to be uttered in polite company reality that powerful men in Washington, London, and Canberra have made themselves vulnerable. To networks of kompromat, to relationships they cannot fully disclose, to the specific kind of coercive power that intelligence operations specialising in the exploitation of human weakness have deployed for as long as intelligence operations have existed.

This is why the charge of antisemitism is deployed so rapidly against anyone who raises these questions.

Not because the questions are antisemitic.

They manifestly are not, being questions about the conduct of specific governments, specific intelligence agencies, and specific individuals, not about Jewish people as a whole.

But because the charge works. It silences. It ends careers. It redirects the conversation. And the people with the most to lose from honest answers have every incentive to ensure the conversation never reaches those answers.

The International Criminal Court has issued its warrant. The Epstein files are dripping into the public domain. The Maxwell Mossad connection is confirmed historical record.

The leverage that may explain a generation of Western politicians who cannot bring themselves to say a single word of meaningful criticism of Israeli state conduct is no longer the province of conspiracy forums. It is the subject of serious investigative journalism on three continents.

And Australia’s answer, apparently, is to look away.

Anthony Albanese will not be the one to look squarely at any of this. He has already told us where he stands. On national television, he endorsed the war. He called it constructive. He offered the American justification back to an Australian audience as though it were Australia’s own sovereign conclusion.

It was not. It was obedience dressed as policy. And the men who benefit most from that obedience, a defendant in Tel Aviv and a felon in Washington, are laughing all the way to the next airstrike while ordinary Australians pay the bill, while journalists are prosecuted.

• Tomorrow: How the Murdoch press is running cover for a war and pointing your anger at the wrong man entirely.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/07/monsters-of-war-the-men-who-have-put-the-world-at-risk/

Asia Pacific Report

Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa has appealed to Foreign Minister Winston Peters to stress to the Palestine genocide “open wound” in his meeting with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington this week.

Co-chair Maher Nazzal of PSNA said in a statement the international crisis in West Asia “must be reined in” and New Zealand pressure should be part of this.

He blamed the US-Israel war on Iran on resistance to the genocide in Gaza in which almost 73,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children, have been killed.

Nazzal also warned in the letter to Peters against New Zealand being “recruited” for the US war effort.

“The US will want to recruit New Zealand into the US and Israel war on Iran, and try to get Peters to offer something crazy, like dispatching the New Zealand frigates Te Kaha and Te Mana to help force the Straits of Hormuz,” he said.

‘But the open wound of Palestine remains the single greatest threat to peace and stability across the entire world.”

Nazzal said PSNA was urging Peters to press the US to demand equal rights for everyone living “between the river and the sea”.

“This means confronting the apartheid state of Israel head-on. The world can no longer tolerate a genocidal and racist state in West Asia, which is armed to the teeth by the US and hell-bent on attacking its neighbours to capture territory.

Stoking ‘the flames of hatred’
“Israel continues to stoke the flames of hatred and eternal war by last week passing legislation to execute Palestinians convicted of what Israel calls ‘terrorism’.”

Nazzal said the racist apartheid law did not apply to Jewish Israeli settlers who were killing Palestinians daily.

It exclusively applied in the military courts, which were only used to try Palestinians.

“They have a conviction rate of over 96 percent,” Nazzal said.

“Racist Israeli ministers and Knesset members celebrated the inflammatory racist law with champagne. There was barely a peep from Peters.

“New Zealand has played an important role in helping resolve international conflicts in the past — we can be part of the solution now,” Nazzal added.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/06/nzs-peters-called-on-to-stress-palestine-open-wound-with-rubio/

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

A rift within French Polynesia’s ruling party Tavini Huiraatira deepened during Easter weekend with a mass resignation from a group of 14 members.

The resignation was tendered by a group of young members of the local Territorial Assembly.

In their resignation letter, the members of the local parliament, writing to Tavini’s historic 81-year-old leader Oscar Temaru, insist that their decision was “carefully considered” and “does not question the respect we have [towards Temaru].”

The mass resignation reduces Tavini’s majority to 22 within the Territorial Assembly (out of a total of 57 MPs).

This also means Tavini no longer has an absolute majority within the House.

The Assembly is scheduled to convene at its next sitting this week on 9 April 2026.

Crucial Assembly meeting on Thursday
Any motion of no confidence requires the approval of at least 35 MPs.

The other components of the Assembly include 16 from the opposition pro-France (autonomists) and 5 others who are independents.

The 14 resigning MPs belong to a group of “moderate” members of the Tavini, who were mostly elected at French Polynesia’s last territorial elections in May 2023.

Tensions have since surfaced between the newly-elected members of the “new generation” and the founding members of the Tavini, including party president Oscar Temaru and the party’s number two, Antony Géros (who is also the Speaker of the Territorial Assembly).

At the recently-held municipal elections, Géros lost his position of Mayor of the small city of Paea and in the capital city of Pape’ete, pro-autonomy figure Rémy Brillant won — well ahead of two pro-independence figures, Tavini-backed Tauhiti Nena (who secured 11.03 percent of the votes) and 25-year-old Tematai Le Gayic, 25 (who scored much better with 23.3 percent).

In the wake of the municipal elections, Le Gayic was the first to signal the split with his party.

The next territorial elections are scheduled to be held in 2028.

The group of dissident MPs is perceived as close to Brotherson, 56, who became French Polynesia’s President in May 2023.

Géros was not chosen at the time.

Less confrontational approach
Brotherson has since embodied a less confrontational approach, especially with regards to his perceived good relationship with the French government, as opposed to a more confrontational approach from his party’s historic leadership.

Among the most often cited causes of the rift between Tavini’s old guard and the younger group of MPs are such issues as French Polynesia’s undersea mineral resources exploitation (which Temaru favours, as a key to the French Pacific territory’s independence).

The younger Tavini MPs, as well as French Polynesia’s Tavini President Moetai Brotherson (who is also Temaru’s son-in-law), are opposed to this exploitation of resources.

This anti-deep sea mining exploitation is also the official stance of the French government, which is warning of potential environmental damage from such operations.

Brotherson’s general stance over independence is also more nuanced and contrasts with the party’s support for a short timeline and process.

Since the resignation, Tavini has held several “emergency” meetings in a bid to reconcile the two opposing factions.

But none of those have been conclusive.

Some of the views expressed by militants support a resignation from Brotherson, which he is opposed to.

Others recommend a one-on-one meeting between Temaru and Brotherson to try and iron out their differences.

“If nothing comes out of this meeting, then Tavini Huiraatira will take action on April 9,” the party wrote on social networks at the weekend.

“If we start entertaining diverging views of the party’s objectives, we’re in trouble”, an irate Géros told local media.

Biblical references
Temaru and his son-in-law have separately commented on the Easter weekend crisis.

On Good Friday, they both used biblical, religious metaphors and direct references to Easter.

“Forgive them, for they know not what they are doing” said Temaru, quoting crucified Jesus Christ during his Easter martyrdom.

But he also admitted there were “reasons to be worried”.

Meanwhile, Brotherson posted on social networks: “While some are meeting in tribunal mode, on this Good Friday, I prefer to leave it to God.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/06/mass-easter-resignations-within-tahitis-pro-independence-ruling-party/