Associate Health Minister David Seymour welcomes Pharmac’s decision to fund two new combination therapies for people with chronic lymphocytic leukaemia (CLL), a type of blood cancer.
“Improving access to cancer medication in New Zealand is important to cancer patients, and their families. That’s why it has been a focus of this Government,” Mr Seymour says.
Pharmac has decided to fund two combination treatments and widen access to ibrutinib for people with CLL from 1 May 2026. Under this decision:
People with CLL will be able to receive venetoclax with ibrutinib or venetoclax with obinutuzumab as first‑line treatments, meaning they can be used as an initial treatment option rather than after other treatments have been tried.
Access to ibrutinib will be widened so it can be used on its own as a second line treatment for people whose CLL has not responded to a previous treatment, has come back, or where earlier treatment has caused intolerable side effects.
“It’s important to the patient community that their voice is heard. That’s why Pharmac consult the community on funding proposals before a final decision is made,” Mr Seymour says.
“Earlier this year Pharmac consulted the blood cancer community on a proposal to fund two new combination therapies for people with CLL. Pharmac heard from the community and from their clinical advisors that venetoclax with ibrutinib or obinutuzumab will make a big difference for people with CLL, especially when used at the beginning of treatment.
“Venetoclax with ibrutinib or obinutuzumab will help patients achieve longer lasting remission and avoid the need for traditional chemotherapy. Two of these medicines will be available in pill form, which don’t require an IV drip and could mean fewer hospital visits. The use of these combination treatments is expected to save an estimated 3,700 infusion hours saved each year.
“Pharmac also received feedback highlighting the need for ibrutinib on its own as an option for people who can’t use other available medicines. So, Pharmac will fund ibrutinib on its own as a second-line treatment for people whose CLL has not responded to a previous treatment, has come back, or where earlier treatment has caused side effects.
“When Pharmac fund a new cancer treatment, people already paying for that treatment privately are forced to make a very difficult choice: spend their savings to continue private treatment undisrupted, or transfer to a public hospital. Patients told Pharmac the latter was hugely disruptive and caused significant stress during an immensely difficult period. Obinutuzumab will be another cancer medicine available in private clinics.
“People currently paying privately for the combination treatments could receive funded treatment in a private hospital, provided they met the funding criteria at the time they began treatment.
“This funding decision is another example of the new culture at Pharmac. The patient community used to picket outside Pharmac. Now, they’re in the room with Pharmac making decisions.
“Patients are reaping the benefits. Since this Government took over we’ve allocated Pharmac its largest ever budget of $6.294 billion over four years, and a $604 million uplift Pharmac. With that money, Pharmac has made 133 decisions to fund or widen access to medicines. This includes decisions on 46 cancer medicines. Over 200,000 patients have benefited.”
The finding follows a “fast-tracked” investigation ordered by former Director-General Tim Davie into the “serious mistake” that saw the racist slur aired during the event in late February.
According to the investigation report, there was a “lack of clarity” among staff handling the broadcast, which was aired slightly later than the start of the ceremony, about whether the N-word was audible on the recording.
“This resulted in there being a delay before a decision was taken to remove the recording from iPlayer,” it said, adding this did not happen until about 9.30am the following day.
“This delay was a serious mistake, because there could be no certainty that the word would be inaudible to all viewers,” it added.
The incident was the latest in a string of controversies to hit the BBC.
In June 2025 during the BBC’s Glastonbury festival coverage, staff failed to pull a livestream of a performance by Bob Vylan after the punk-rap duo’s frontman led the crowds in an anti-Israel chant.
The BBC later apologised and said it would no longer live-broadcast musical performances it deemed to be “high risk”.
The president has filed a US$10 billion defamation lawsuit against the BBC over the edit for its flagship current affairs programme Panorama.
Trump alleges the editing of his 6 January, 2021 speech made it appear that he had explicitly urged supporters to attack the Capitol, where lawmakers were certifying Democrat Joe Biden’s 2020 election victory.
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Ford has topped the list of Consumer NZ’s least reliable cars in its latest survey.
The survey of 5791 car owners asked people what faults they had experienced with their cars and how satisfied they were with the vehicles.
Ford Escapes and Ford Focuses had the highest number of major and serious faults reported and fewer satisfied owners when it came to ongoing maintenance and repairs.
Consumer noted that Ford discontinued the Focus last year and the Escape had also been taken out of the New Zealand market.
The survey found Fords had a lot of engine, transmission and electrical issues. Ford was approached for comment.
Report author Bryan Wall said products, including cars, were generally built to a budget and components would fail eventually.
“Cars are subject to quite a lot of stress and strain on the road, high speeds and so on, so parts are going to fail eventually. It just depends which parts fail that deems how reliable a car is.
“If it’s a major failure, say a water pump, and it’s expensive, then it’s going to be deemed a less reliable vehicle.”
The next least reliable vehicle was a Volkswagen Tiguan.
Nearly half of owners had experienced a fault with their cars during the period they had owned them. A quarter had been a major fault.
Wall said he was not surprised.
“One of the cars I’ve actually got myself is the Volkswagen Tiguan and we’ve had issues with them. I think the design of these vehicles is great – you’ll see there’s two sides to the survey.
“There’s a reliability and a satisfaction score, so you find the two are certainly interrelated, if you’ve got an unreliable vehicle, you’re generally going to be unsatisfied.
“However, there are certain vehicles where people actually really like them and they’ll keep putting money into them and repairing them. The Tiguan is one of those. It’s a really good vehicle to drive. It’s got all the bells and whistles, but it’s got this strange unreliability part to it.”
Volkswagen was also approached for comment.
Wall said the cost of repairing cars came down to parts and labour.
“I’ve been amazed at some of the prices I get quoted for parts on my European vehicles. They do have a reputation [for being expensive to repair] and I think there is evidence to back that up as well.”
He said it would be interesting to see how electric vehicles fared over time.
“It’s early days with EVs as to how reliable they are … we’re seeing a lot of EVs that people are really, really happy with at the moment because the maintenance on these is essentially quite minimal really compared to an internal combustion engine. t’s generally software issues that have to be updated and so on to fix problems.”
The current processing time for LIMs issued by Wellington City Council is 28 working days.RNZ / REECE BAKER
House sales are being delayed by a backlog of property reports issued by Wellington City Council.
The current average processing time for Land Information Memorandums (LIMs) is 28 working days – almost triple the timeframe in which the council legally must issue them.
LIMs are reports which include all the information the council has about a property, such as rates and special land features.
LIMs are not mandatory for a house sale but are highly recommended for sellers and buyers and most banks will not lend without seeing a LIM.
If you’ve been affected by the delays contact Anya.Fielding@rnz.co.nz
Lowe & Co real estate agency co-founder Craig Lowe said these were worst delays in his 26-year career.
“At least in my memory, I can’t remember it being this bad.”
He said delays in receiving LIMs caused frustration and uncertainty, causing more pain for people during the sales process.
He said buyers may have to have more additional conditions on the sale, or not go through to contract because they have not seen the LIM yet.
“To actually transact, buyers and sellers need information.
“It just adds friction to the process and slows things down and makes it particularly hard for sellers that have a reason to get on the market quickly.”
Alexia Stoddart from Tommy’s Real Estate has had a client lose out on their dream home because of the delays.
“Their dream property popped up on the market, and they couldn’t be unconditional as the LIM hadn’t come through. I think it was on day 20 [of waiting for the LIM]. So they offered, but with a finance clause waiting for that LIM.
“And those vendors took a lower offer, but an unconditional offer.”
Stoddart said the backlog was delaying house sales as sellers may not know they need a LIM to put their house on the market.
“Well, it basically puts you in a five-week limbo while you wait for that LIM, because people who bring their properties to market don’t always know that the LIM is required and that there is this delay.
“So they might suddenly want to come on the market next week. We may get them an offer in week two, but we have to sit for another sort of four weeks waiting for the LIM to arrive, because generally banks will not lend unless they cite the LIM. “
She said there was little agents could do while waiting for LIMs.
The fast-track service has been put on hold while the council works through the backlog.
Backlogs over the summer are expected, as more houses come on sale during this time, causing higher demand for LIMs.
“We generally run between sort of 750 and 800 homes in the Wellington region, and we’re up at around about 1100 at the moment. So there is an increase in properties on the market,” Stoddart said.
“We have had that spike before, though, and we still managed to get our LIMs. It certainly hasn’t been as long as it is now.”
Wellington City Council said demand continued to be high into February and March, which had not been planned for.
“This week we have seen a reduction in the number applied for which indicates the first sign of a slowdown in the seasonal demand,” a council spokesperson said.
To work through the backlog the council has hired more staff, increased hours and was looking into automating the LIM process.
Wellington City Council charges $563.50 for a LIM. This is above the charges for Auckland, Christchurch, Hamilton and Dunedin.
The council is currently processing 452 LIMs.
“Council fees are set on a cost-recovery basis, rather than being linked solely to statutory processing timeframes,” a council spokesperson said.
The fees charged reflect the full cost of providing the service, including staff resources, technical assessments, specialist inputs, systems, and overheads that are incurred regardless of whether a statutory timeframe is met.
“The work required to assess applications still needs to be undertaken to an appropriate standard.”
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A chorus of hawkish Israeli politicians is urging the country’s military to intensify its weekslong ground and air campaign against Hezbollah and pave the way for a more permanent presence in the country’s south.
On April 5, 18 Israeli lawmakers pressed the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to occupy and fully control southern Lebanon up to the Litani River and “evacuate” the Lebanese population there. It followed an earlier call from Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel Yoel Smotrich, a powerful, extremist voice in the ruling coalition for the outright annexation of southern Lebanon.
Those calling for an enlarged Israel that includes parts of Lebanon tend to shroud their ideology in religious rhetoric. Yet the view is hardly isolated to the hawkish, religious far-right. It is also nothing new. As a scholar who specializes in Middle East studies, I believe that the policy of occupying and annexing south Lebanon up to the Litani River has long held influence among parts of the Israeli government and dates back to influential Zionist leaders – secular and religious alike – before Israeli independence in 1948.
History suggests were that goal to be pursued in the course of Israel’s military campaign now, however, it would only destabilize Lebanon further, encourage regional turmoil and do little to guarantee Israel’s safety.
Early Zionism and south Lebanon
In 1918, David Ben-Gurion – an early Zionist leader and widely regarded as Israel’s founding father – argued that Israel’s natural borders included parts of modern-day Syria, Egypt, the Arabian Gulf, and should also extend north to the Litani River in southern Lebanon. Lying 20 miles north of Lebanon’s southern border, the river is about 108 miles long and serves as Lebanon’s main source of water.
Instead, Great Britain and France were granted control of administering the formerly Ottoman-ruled land of Greater Syria and Palestine, which were put under an international legal charter called the mandate system.
Lebanon’s current borders date back to Sept. 1, 1920, when the French mandate recognized the nation’s territory stretching south to the cities of Saida and Tyre and below the Litani River to the boundaries of British-administered Mandatory Palestine.
U.N. peacekeepers drive a tank over a bridge spanning the Litani River on their way to a village in south Lebanon in 2006.AP Photo/Francois Mori
Land borders dispute since 1948
The creation of the state of Israel in 1948, which led to the mass displacement of over 750,000 Palestinians and a subsequent Arab-Israeli war in 1948, led to a further shifting of borders in the region. In Lebanon, Israel occupied and annexed seven southern villages.
Though not a mutual agreement on statehood, the armistice was nonetheless a recognition of land borders. While never officially revoked, the armistice was, in practice, superseded by a borders shift during the Six Day War in 1967. That’s when Israel stopped recognizing all armistice agreements it had signed in 1949, including with Lebanon, even though the country wasn’t a party to the 1967 war.
In 1978, following a series of attacks organized by Palestinian fighters from Lebanese soil, Israel invaded Lebanon and occupied its south in what was known as Operation Litani. Israeli troops withdrew more than two decades later on May 25, 2000.
Thereafter, the U.N. established the Blue Line – a so-called withdrawal line to separate the two countries, absent mutually recognized borders – and put in the buffer zone a U.N. peacekeeping mission.
War for natural resources
But the border question was never settled, and the discovery of the Leviathan field in 2010 – the largest natural gas reservoir in the Mediterranean Sea – added a wrinkle in the form of a potential maritime dispute.
In October 2022, Israel and Lebanon signed a U.S.-brokered maritime border agreement, a move some analysts interpreted as the beginning of normalizing relations between the two countries.
However, the long-running land dispute has never been settled.
For the most part, the vocal far-right in Israel calling for expansion of the country’s border to the Litani River dress their claims in religious language – and what it might mean for security for Israel’s northern residents. But extending to the Litani would also provide a potential new source of water for a country with limited natural water sources and growing demand.
Lebanon’s fragile sovereignty
The lack of resolved borders and Israel’s periodic incursions into southern Lebanon have predictably meant that Lebanon has struggled to assert sovereignty over its own territory.
The 1985 birth of Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed Shiite militia, following repeated Israeli invasions and amid the Lebanese civil war, only compounded matters.
An Israeli convoy travels south of Saida, Lebanon, in 1985.AP Photo/Shedid
Since then, Hezbollah has dominated the military scene inside Lebanon and repeatedly battled with Israel.
Tit-for-tat Hezbollah-Israel fighting following the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks escalated into a full-scale war in September 2024 in which over 3,000 Lebanese civilians were killed, 14,000 injured, and more than 1.2 million residents were displaced.
It could also degenerate into another wave of violence outside Lebanon. The internal destabilization of Lebanon has rarely been contained within the country, and in the past it has spread to neighboring countries – something that Israel’s northern residents and security officials are all too aware of.
Neither of those things may be enough to stop a long-term Israeli presence in south Lebanon, but it may help explain the ongoing narrative shifts from Israeli officials that in recent weeks have gone from creating a buffer zone in south Lebanon to full-scale occupation and control up to the Litani River.
There is no doubt that the fate of Hezbollah depends largely on the longer-term settlement of the Iran war and its effect on the associated operation in Lebanon’s south.
But Israel faces headwinds not favorable to full occupation: dwindling international support, internal tensions, entanglements in war across the region and potential violence inside Lebanon. Moreover, history shows that it is a risky endeavor – with high potential to backfire.
These calls have come from across the political spectrum, from Democratic Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico to former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene and right-wing pundit Alex Jones. Unlikely allies seem to agree that the president has gone too far and needs to be reined in.
The Constitution’s 25th Amendment provides a way for high-level officials to remove a president from office. It was ratified in 1967 in the wake of the 1963 assassination of John F. Kennedy – who was succeeded by Lyndon Johnson, who had already had one heart attack – as well as delayed disclosure of health problems experienced by Kennedy’s predecessor, Dwight Eisenhower.
The 25th Amendment provides detailed procedures on what happens if a president resigns, dies in office, has a temporary disability or is no longer fit for office.
It has never been invoked against a president’s will, and has been used only to temporarily transfer power, such as when a president is undergoing a medical procedure requiring anesthesia.
Section 4 of the 25th Amendment authorizes high-level officials – either the vice president and a majority of the Cabinet or another body designated by Congress – to remove a president from office without his consent when he is “unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office.” Congress has yet to designate an alternative body, and scholars disagree over the role, if any, of acting Cabinet officials.
The high-level officials simply send a written declaration to the president pro tempore of the Senate – the longest-serving senator from the majority party – and the speaker of the House of Representatives, stating that the president is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. The vice president immediately assumes the powers and duties of the president.
The president, however, can fight back. He or she can seek to resume their powers by informing congressional leadership in writing that they are fit for office and no disability exists. But the president doesn’t get the presidency back just by saying this.
The high-level officials originally questioning the president’s fitness then have four days to decide whether they disagree with the president. If they notify congressional leadership that they disagree, the vice president retains control and Congress has 48 hours to convene to discuss the issue. Congress has 21 days to debate and vote on whether the president is unfit or unable to resume his powers.
The vice president remains the acting president until Congress votes or the 21-day period lapses. A two-thirds majority vote by members of both houses of Congress is required to remove the president from office. If that vote fails or does not happen within the 21-day period, the president resumes his powers immediately.
Article II of the Constitution authorizes Congress to impeach and remove the president – and other federal officials – from office for “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.” The founders included this provision as a tool to punish a president for misconduct and abuses of power. It’s one of the many ways that Congress could keep the president in check, if it chose to.
Impeachment proceedings begin in the House of Representatives. A member of the House files a resolution for impeachment. The resolution goes to the House Judiciary Committee, which usually holds a hearing to evaluate the resolution. If the House Judiciary Committee thinks impeachment is proper, its members draft and vote on articles of impeachment. Once the House Judiciary Committee approves articles of impeachment, they go to the full House for a vote.
If the House of Representatives impeaches a president or another official, the action then moves to the Senate. Under the Constitution’s Article I, the Senate has the responsibility for determining whether to remove the person from office. Normally, the Senate holds a trial, but it controls its procedures and can limit the process if it wants.
Ultimately, the Senate votes on whether to remove the president – which requires a two-thirds majority, or 67 senators. To date, the Senate has never voted to remove a president from office, although it almost did in 1868, when President Andrew Johnson escaped removal from office by one vote.
The Senate also has the power to disqualify a public official from holding public office in the future. If the person is convicted and removed from office, only then can senators vote on whether to permanently disqualify that person from ever again holding federal office. Members of Congress proposing the impeachment of Trump have promised to include a provision to do so. A simple majority vote is all that’s required then.
The sale of Matahio Energy’s New Zealand assets to independent oil and gas explorer and producer Sunda Energy is good news for New Zealand’s petroleum sector and a further signal of growing international interest in the opportunities on offer, says Resources Minister Shane Jones.
The companies have today announced a sale and purchase agreement covering Matahio’s New Zealand assets, which include well‑established onshore oil and gas operations in Taranaki – the producing Cheal, Cheal East and Sidewinder fields – as well as the Puka exploration permit.
“This transaction is the kind of signal we want to see as we work to reinvigorate New Zealand’s petroleum sector,” Mr Jones says.
“It shows there is still strong international interest in investing here, backing proven assets and bringing new capital, capability and ambition into our system.
“More than ever, a secure and productive petroleum sector matters for New Zealand’s economic resilience and energy security. The entry of a gas‑focused explorer and producer like Sunda Energy helps strengthen that foundation and supports regions like Taranaki that have powered the sector for decades.
“The assets involved are established operations with existing infrastructure and a skilled local workforce. That’s exactly where we want to see renewed investment and activity, particularly in the short-term to bolster our dwindling gas supply.”
Sunda Energy, a listed London Stock Exchange company, will now seek change of control approvals from regulator New Zealand Petroleum and Minerals for affected permits.
“If those processes are satisfied, I see this as a positive signal of continued international confidence in New Zealand’s oil and gas sector and in the future of onshore energy development in regions like Taranaki,” Mr Jones says.
We’re launching a new Predator Free 2050 and Always Be Naturing video – Predator Free 2050: Let Nature Go Wild – that features the Royal New Zealand Ballet dancing in native species costumes. Check out korimako twirls, kiwi leaps, spider spins, and learn more about this playful campaign…
Finally, the day has come where bird nerds, professional dancers, and a film crew unite for nature!
[embedded content]
Introducing a new Predator Free 2050 video – Let Nature Go Wild
The Royal New Zealand Ballet recently volunteered their time, native species costumes, and exceptional talent to help us spread the Predator Free 2050 message.
This 30 second playful and funny video features a young woman daydreaming in a park while listening to dance music. She spots a community trapper and it inspires her to envisage a predator-free future.
The tagline of the campaign is “Predator Free 2050: Let nature go wild”, with the core message of “when predators are gone, nature throws a party”.
Sharing our predator-free vision with new audiences
We’re launching this video and digital campaign to grow awareness for those who haven’t heard of Predator Free 2050 before.
We want to achieve our goal of having 1 in 2 New Zealanders be aware of our nationwide goal to eradicate introduced predators so that nature and people can thrive.
Introduced predators are one of the key threats to native species.
But many Kiwis don’t realise how bad the situation is – 80% think nature is in good shape.
Many of our native species are found nowhere else in the world. They evolved for millions of years without mammal predators or defences against them.
We’ve got cheeky parrots, ancient frogs, army-crawling bats and ground foraging birds. But many of them are living on the edge of extinction due to threats like introduced predators.
Pekapeka/short-tailed bat. : Belle Gwilliam | DOC
Rats, possums, feral cats and mustelids (stoats, ferrets, weasels) kill an estimated 25 million native birds each year.
Predator Free 2050 aims to remove these harmful predators once and for all so that our unique plants and animals can thrive alongside us.
Special thanks to the Royal New Zealand Ballet and Zealandia
We also wanted to share a special thank you to the ballet for supporting the Let Nature Go Wild campaign by choreographing native species dance moves and sharing their talent with us. We also wanted to thank Zealandia for offering their predator-free sanctuary as the filming location.
From 1 May 2026, people living with chronic lymphocytic leukaemia (CLL) will be able to access two new funded treatment options, alongside wider access to another – changes that could mean fewer hospital visits and more time spent living their lives.
The decision includes:
funding venetoclax with ibrutinib and venetoclax with obinutuzumab as first treatment options
widening access to ibrutinib on its own as a second-line treatment
changing the access criteria so that people who have been self‑funding venetoclax or ibrutinib can switch to the funded combination treatment
“This decision gives people with CLL more options that can fit better around their lives,” says Pharmac’s Manager of Pharmaceutical Funding, Claire Pouwels. “For some people, that could mean fewer hospital visits and less time planning their lives around .”
Venetoclax, ibrutinib and obinutuzumab are already used to treat blood cancers, but these combinations are not currently funded together as a first treatment option for CLL. The medicines work in different and complementary ways to target CLL cells, and evidence suggests the combinations can help people achieve longer periods of remission while avoiding traditional chemotherapy for many people.
Importantly, venetoclax and ibrutinib are oral medicines that people can take at home, rather than needing regular hospital infusions.
“For many people, this can mean fewer hospital visits, less time spent at appointments, and more flexibility to fit treatment around everyday life,” says Pouwels. “For the health system, wider use of these combination treatments is expected to reduce pressure on infusion services, with an estimated 3,700 infusion hours saved each year.”
CLL is a slow‑growing blood cancer. While it can’t be cured, many people can live well for long periods with the right treatment. Pharmac estimates around 110 people each year will benefit from the new combination treatments, and around 30 people each year will benefit from widened access to ibrutinib.
The decision follows consultation with people with CLL, their families, clinicians, and consumer advocacy groups.
“Most people supported the decision,” says Pouwels. “People told us these options could mean more time living their lives and less time planning around treatment, travel, and hospital visits.
“aren’t suitable. This change wasn’t part of the original proposal.”
“While we weren’t able to make every change suggested, we listened carefully,” says Pouwels. “The feedback shaped this decision and will continue to inform our future work.”
In the halls of Aunt Lydia’s premarital preparatory academy, young teens Agnes and Daisy will form a bond that will up-end their past, present and future.
That’s the premise of the new television series The Testaments, based on Canadian author Margaret Atwood‘s novel of the same name, a sequel to The Handmaid’s Tale.
While The Handmaid’s Tale was about the totalitarian regime of Gilead, which stripped women of their rights during a global fertility crisis, the sequel focuses on the young women being groomed for marriage in Gilead at the elite preparatory school.
Shechinah Mpumlwana, Rowan Blanchard, Birva Pandya, Mattea Conforti, Chase Infiniti and Isolde Ardies in The Testaments.
Reserve Bank governor Anna Breman. (File photo)RNZ / Supplied
Reserve Bank governor Anna Breman is adamant the inflation spike caused by the Middle East conflict will be brought under control and back into the target zone, but says businesses and households need to play their part.
The central bank has kept the official cash rate (OCR) unchanged at 2.25 percent, but forecast inflation to peak at 4.2 percent in the June quarter while economic growth would be dampened
Breman told Morning Report, the key issue was how long the conflict would last and how soon prices started to retreat, which would determine the RBNZ’s policy moves.
“If we see that oil prices and then fuel prices and fertiliser prices actually come down… that means this is something that will pass relatively quickly and we don’t see a long lasting effect on inflation. Our mandate is medium term inflation.
“So what we’re looking for is this something that is going to get embedded into inflation expectations and inflation over the medium term or will it pass relatively quickly and households can look forward to inflation falling again.”
But Breman said the RBNZ was ready to act if there were signs that higher inflation was getting embedded in the economy, with businesses holding on to price increases and households looking to boost wages to counter cost of living pressures.
She said it was an assurance not a warning to the public.
“It’s just assuring people that we are very focussed on making sure inflation falls back so that households know that over the medium term inflation will fall and their purchasing power will come back.
“Firms can assume that over the medium term inflation will be lower and stable again and they can hold back on price hikes.”
She said a rate rise would likely lower demand within the economy and hopefully act as a brake on firms raising prices and help to drive inflation lower.
Breman said households needed to take a medium term view and to assume that inflation would be low and stable again, while businesses needed, where possibly to make sure any fuel related price hikes were only temporary.
The RBNZ’s next monetary policy statement with full economic forecasts was due at the end of May. Financial markets were betting on at least two OCR rises by the end of the year, starting in September.
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Chris Wood is available for Nottingham Forest’s next game tomorrow. It’s great news for All Whites fans too.Photosport
All Whites striker Chris Wood has returned to the Nottingham Forest squad, ending a six-month injury lay-off.
In what is a boost for [https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/sport/590364/chris-wood-closing-on-premier-league-return-for-nottingham-forest the All Whites ahead of their FIFA World Cup mid-year campaign, Wood has been declared available for the first leg of Forest’s Europa League quarterfinal against Porto tomorrow morning NZT.
Thirty-four year-old Wood was training with the team in Porto, Forest manager Vitor Pereira said.
“He is working with us, we need to manage him a little bit physically but he has travelled. It means he is available to be in the game tomorrow.
“He is an experienced player, he scores goals and it’s important to be ready for the team in this moment because we face a lot of challenges.”
Forest had been on a downhill skid since Wood, who scored a career-best 20 goals for them in the Premier League last season, was injured. He hadn’t played at top-level since injuring a knee during a league match against Chelsea in mid-October. He had surgery in December.
He returns with Forest in a fight to stay in the Premier League. They were three points above the relegation zone with seven matches remaining.
Wood had played twice for Forest B on his recovery trail and scored a goal in their win over Newcastle under-21 last month.
Pereira said the priority was to win against Porto.
“The Europa League is very important and it is very important to keep the club in the Premier League.
“I need to find the balance between the two competitions. This is the only way; the only way to compete tomorrow and again in three days’ time against Aston Villa.
“The players have to feel they are important and have the qualities and conditions to compete and to help the club in this moment.”
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The renovation of St James Theatre in February this year.RNZ / Marika Khabazi
There are plans for a new basement venue at Auckland’s St James theatre after builders unearthed extra space during renovations.
The heritage theatre which opened in 1928 has been closed since a fire in 2007.
Work is underway to re-open the theatre for its 100th anniversary in 2028.
Steve Bielby of Auckland Notable Properties Trust, said the new basement area would host everything from live music to smaller-scale performances.
He explained how the proposal for a new basement venue came about.
“The building had existing basements in the north and in the south and part of the fire code is that we had to link those two basements so that in a fire you could escape through more than one way.”
Steve Bielby says the main structural work on the theatre is just starting to commence.RNZ / Marika Khabazi
When the costings were done it was found it would be cheaper to remove the material completely to create a massive basement in the theatre rather than trying to create a tunnel, he said.
That had been done and “it’s created this amazing venue space,” he said.
“We’re designing it for up to 1200 people and that would be in a sort of concert-type mode but it could be used for everything from rehearsals to corporate events to bands – it’s a black box essentially, an empty black box, so everything comes in and it can be used for anything.”
Watch: Perlina Lau from Culture 101 spoke to Steve Bielby about the St James renovations in February:
He said it had been a long process to get this far.
“It’s been sort of an 11-year restoration journey, it started at advocacy and now we’re into physical works, but it’s also a little about urban regeneration in that area, you know mid towns have a tough time and it’s great to see that Aotea arts quarter hopefully come to life.”
But the restoration was going well and all the asbestos had been removed from the building and the new electrical system was in, he said.
“The main structural work is just starting to commence, so all the scaffolding’s going up around the building at the moment.”
Given the building’s age there were a lot of challenges in terms of restoring it, he said.
“A lot of that fine arts stuff is outside the normal construction envelope. But I guess they’re challenges but they’re also the exciting bit because you’ve got to find ways to solve them.”
Adding the basement venue was cost neutral but it removed some risks, he said.
“So building a tunnel’s actually quite challenging, where as just excavating down and removing the material is a lot more of a calculable exercise.”
He said they were on track and “2028 we’ll open those doors”.
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
It’s currently tracking as a category 2 storm with winds around 100km/h.
What does it take to make a cyclone, and what do the categories mean?
Tropical cyclone structureSupplied / MetService
What is a tropical cyclone?
Tropical cyclones usually form over large bodies of warm water – at least 26.5C, according to Australia’s Bureau of Meteorology. That heat fuels the developing storm.
Earth Sciences New Zealand (formerly NIWA) describes them as characterised by a low pressure centre, strong winds, and thunderstorms that produce heavy rain.
Those low pressure systems cause warm, moist air to rise upwards.
Think of them as a swirling oceanic engine, taking energy from the warm waters and generating enormous amount of energy.
They tend to move polewards – and can last about a week.
The tropical cyclone season in the Southern Hemisphere typically lasts from November to the end of April. An average of 10 tropical cyclones form in the South Pacific each season, with usually one of them affecting New Zealand in some way.
However, director of the Na Draki Weather Service in Fiji, Neville Koop, told the ABC this week that there is no climate normal anymore, and the cyclone season in the South Pacific is quite likely to continue well into May.
And of course, foremost in everyone’s mind with the current cyclone warnings is Cyclone Gabrielle in February 2023, which killed 11 people in New Zealand and was the costliest cyclone on record in the Southern Hemisphere, causing billions of dollars in damage.
For more, check out this video from Australia’s BOM:
[embedded content]
Are they still tropical cyclones when they hit New Zealand?
Typically, by the time a tropical cyclone reaches New Zealand waters, it actually becomes an ex-tropical cyclone due to the cooler waters, MetService says on its website.
“Re-classification as an ex-tropical cyclone does not necessarily mean the system has weakened, but rather that it has transformed into a completely different type of weather system,” MetService writes.
“Many of New Zealand’s most severe and impactful storms have been ex-tropical cyclones.”
“Although these systems will no longer be classified as tropical cyclones, we will often still refer to them by their given name e.g. ‘Cyclone Gita’ for communication purposes,” the forecaster notes.
Cyclone categoriesSupplied / MetService
What do the categories mean?
Under the scale we use, they range from category 1 to 5.
Category one tropical cyclones have sustained wind speeds from about 63 to 88 km/h, while category five having sustained winds surpassing 200 km/h.
Maximum gusts can be even stronger than that – theoretically 3-second gusts of over 280 km/h for category 5 cyclones.
Still, sometimes weaker tropical cyclones inflict more damage if they are slow moving or “stall out” over an island.
What’s the difference between tropical cyclones, hurricanes and typhoons?
They’re actually all the same, but have different names depending on where they form.
In the Atlantic, they are called hurricanes; in the Western Pacific, they are called typhoons; and in the Southwest Pacific, toward Australia and Indian Ocean, they’re called tropical cyclones.
How are cyclones named, anyway?
The naming list for cyclones in our region comes from Fiji’s Meteorological Service. They designated Vaianu as this storm’s name on Monday.
The Fiji Meteorological Service uses a list of names compiled by weather bureaus across the region, including Samoa, Cook Islands and Vanuatu, the ABC has reported.
“If there was a tropical cyclone to happen in the Cook Islands or Samoa, they shall rely on Fiji to provide the name,” Misaeli Funaki, Director of the Fiji Meteorological Service, told the ABC.
If a storm causes a great deal of damage and/or death, the name is retired – as is the case with Cyclone Gabrielle or Hurricane Katrina in the US.
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
An offender’s attempt to steal a scooter in Mt Wellington this morning has failed to gain momentum.
Auckland City East Area Response Manager, Senior Sergeant Tony Ngau Chun says around 12.20am Police received a report of a man seen entering a property on Mount Wellington Highway.
“This man approached a scooter parked within the property, and began to push it towards the road,” he says.
“He has initially moved the Honda scooter to the end of the driveway for a few minutes but then came back and pushed it away again.”
Police were alerted and were quickly in the area.
“Upon hearing the sirens from Police cars, the alleged offender has become spooked and dumped the scooter in a bush a short distance down the road,” Senior Sergeant Ngau Chun says.
“He has then fled on foot towards Waipuna Road.”
CCTV cameras in the area located the male and were able to guide a dog handler to his location.
“A Police dog team then found the alleged offender attempting to hide inside an address on Waipuna Road,” Senior Sergeant Ngau Chun says.
“This was a great result, offending like this is not acceptable and we are pleased he will face the consequences of his actions in court.”
A 40-year-old man will appear in the Auckland District Court today charged with burglary by night and possessing instruments for conversion.
Police are asking for the public’s help identifying the man and vehicle pictured, following an assault in Hamilton East in February.
On Tuesday 17 February around 5.40pm, Police were called to Clyde Street with a report that a person had been assaulted.
The victim received moderate injuries and was understandably shaken by the incident.
Police believe the man pictured may be able to assist in our enquiries and are asking for the public’s help to identify him.
He was with two other men in a silver-coloured Toyota Fielder Corolla – similar to the one pictured.
If you recognise this man or the vehicle, or have any information that could assist Police in our enquiries, please contact 105 either online or over the phone.
Please use reference number 260218/2547.
Alternatively, you can provide information anonymously through Crime Stoppers on 0800 555 111.
Transport Minister Chris Bishop announced today that replacement of an aging culvert on State Highway 36 between Tauranga and Rotorua will begin this month.
“State Highway 36 is a vital connection between Tauranga and Rotorua. The current culvert on SH36 north of Hamurana, while safe to use, is over 80 years old, at the end of its useful life, and it needs replacing,” Mr Bishop says.
“I’m pleased NZ Transport Agency (NZTA) is prioritising delivery of a fit for purpose bridge replacement. At a total cost of $10-12 million, the new wider and stronger bridge is being delivered by Isaac Construction Ltd and will utilise prefabricated bridge components to speed up delivery.
“The work to repair or upgrade nine priority bridges and culverts was given the green light in July 2024 as part of the 2024-27 National Land Transport Programme (NLTP). Since then, a further five priority locations have been added, and NZTA is progressing design, consenting, and contracting so work can start.
“Fixing the basics of our roading network is a priority for this Government, and with many bridges across the country requiring speed and weight restrictions due to their age and condition, it is essential priority bridges are replaced when funding is available with more modern and resilient structures.
“Our state highways are critical routes for freight and tourism and serve as important lifelines for communities around New Zealand. We expect our state highway bridges to be well maintained and properly managed, which is why this replacement and maintenance work is so important.
“I look forward to construction of the new SH36 Hauraki Stream Bridge getting underway this month and thank road users and local communities in advance for their patience. Construction is expected to be completed in early 2027.”
Notes to editor:
Bridges/culverts set to be replaced in the 2024-27 NLTP period:
• SH3 Mangapepeke No. 1 Culvert, Taranaki (new addition for 2024-27 period) • SH3 Mangapepeke No. 2 Culvert, Taranaki • SH43 Kururau Stream Water Drive, Whanganui • SH25 Pepe Stream Bridge, Coromandel • SH82 Elephant Hill Bridge, South Canterbury • SH82 Waihao North Bridge, South Canterbury • SH6 Coal Creek Overbridge, West Coast • SH25 Ramarama Stream Bridge, Waikato • SH27 Ohinekaua Bridge, Waikato • SH36 Hauraki Stream Culvert, Bay of Plenty
Bridge maintenance renewal works:
• SH25 Boundary Creek Bridge, Coromandel (new addition for 2024-27 period) • SH35 Mangahauini No. 1 Bridge, Gisborne (new addition for 2024-27 period) • SH38 Frasertown Bridge, Hawke’s Bay (new addition for 2024-27 period) • SH50 Ngaruroro River Bridge, Hawke’s Bay (new addition for 2024-27 period)
Other announcements recently made:
• SH2 Pekatahi Bridge, Bay of Plenty. Design and pre-implementation work for a two-lane replacement is underway. Construction is expected to be within the 2027-30 NLTP once funding is approved and a contractor is appointed.
This programme excludes bridges being replaced due to weather event damage.
Journalism is sometimes called the first draft of history. Near contemporary works, such as the University of Canberra’s long running series of books on Australian governments, going back to the Hawke government (1983-1991), might be viewed as the second draft.
Gold Standard? Remembering the Hawke Government differs from both. The book is timely. Edited by eminent academics Frank Bongiorno, Carolyn Holbrook and Joshua Black, it has been produced while it is still possible to have many chapters written by authors who observed the government in action, and some by those who worked in or for it.
But it can also assess the actions of the Hawke government from a distance, knowing its longer term consequences. It can compare the government to its successors, not just its predecessors.
Review: Gold Standard? Remembering the Hawke Government – edited by Frank Bongiorno, Carolyn Holbrook and Joshua Black (NewSouth)
Gareth Evans, who served as minister for foreign affairs, was the first to apply the term “gold standard” to the Hawke government. The book’s title adds a question mark, but most of the contributors seem to agree that the Hawke government was indeed the “gold standard”. Glyn Davis, in his preface, wonders whether “nostalgia has softened judgement”.
Gold Standard? is certainly less critical than some evaluations, such as those by political historians Graham Maddox and Dean Jaensch, both of whom criticise the government for its alleged betrayal of Labor traditions.
The book is nevertheless a more objective account than Hawke’s 1994 autobiography, which the editors describe as “the product of the overgrown ego of an embittered former leader”.
Hawke, his cabinet and his opponents
Hawke is the Australian Labor Party’s most electorally successful leader. Ian McPhee, a Liberal contemporary, recalls him as “intelligent, practical and charming”. But Hawke was an unusual mix as a person.
His interests were sporting, rather than cultural or intellectual. He could be quick-tempered. He was a womaniser and a heavy drinker (though he abstained while serving as prime minister). And he had a competitive streak. Michelle Grattan relates the story of Hawke signing up Australian cricketing great Rod Marsh as a special advisor, just so Marsh could play in the prime minister’s team in an exhibition match against the press gallery.
Bob Hawke at the Davis Cup tennis finals in 1986,Patrick Riviere/Getty Images
Hawke had undoubted strengths as a leader. Grattan, whose time in the press gallery predates the Hawke era, recalls it as a time when television was supreme as the public’s source of information on political events. This was a medium in which Hawke was very much at home.
He was not only popular; he possessed what the 19th century English journalist Walter Bagehot referred to as the desirable attributes of a statesperson: “common opinions and uncommon abilities”.
He was an accomplished chair of cabinet. Journalist Troy Bramston – Hawke biographer and co-editor of an earlier book on the government – explains how Hawke ably managed his government by not micromanaging it. “I allowed ministers their heads,” Hawke is quoted as saying, “not least because they had good heads.”
Hawke learned lessons from observing the unwieldy 27-member cabinet of Gough Whitlam. When Whitlam’s ministers lost an argument in cabinet, they would sometimes try to have the decision overruled by caucus. Hawke had a cabinet of 13 senior ministers, assisted by 14 junior ministers, and they were much more disciplined.
He inherited a strong ministerial team from Bill Hayden, who had picked up 13 seats at the 1980 election, putting Labor within striking distance of government. Hayden’s political and policy contribution has been underestimated.
Hawke was luckier than previous Labor prime ministers in the external environment. Andrew Fisher faced the first world war. James Scullin had to deal with the Great Depression. John Curtin and Ben Chifley governed during the second world war. Whitlam was prime minister during the OPEC oil shock. Hawke benefited from the breaking of a drought and a generally benign global economy.
Like Robert Menzies in the 1950s and Anthony Albanese now, Hawke was also lucky to face an opposition in disarray and riven by leadership rivalry. The Liberal Party had been in government with their coalition partners the Country/National Party from 1949 to 1972, and again from 1975 to 1983. Academic Marija Taflaga shows just how unprepared Hawke’s opponents were for their wilderness years.
Opposition leader Andrew Peacock campaigned well in 1984, but the swing he gained was not enough to bring him to government. The campaign of his rival John Howard in 1987 was derailed by the ludicrous “Joh for PM” campaign by Queensland premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen. In 1990, Peacock again increased the coalition’s two-party vote to just over 50%, but was thwarted by Labor’s astute preference-attracting strategy.
Holbrook and Bongiorno both suggest that the coalition’s opposition to Medicare contributed to its losses.
Assessing the policy record
Andrew Podger, a former public servant, describes the Hawke government’s reforms to the public service. Most of these were pragmatic and incremental. They made government more responsive, open and efficient. Podger laments, however, that there came to be “unduly high expectations of responsiveness”. With less secure tenure, senior public servants may tell ministers what they want to hear rather than what they need to hear,
Economist Bruce Chapman, with some help from former ACTU secretary Bill Kelty, examines the Hawke government’s macroeconomic record, explaining the role of the accord with the trade union movement. Developed by Hawke’s minister for industrial relations Ralph Willis, this involved wage restraint in exchange for improvements in the social wage. Chapman’s judgement is that it significantly lowered the unemployment rate.
Poltical historian Liam Byrne further discusses the accord. While the unions have influenced subsequent Labor governments, there has been no repeat of the accord. One reason may be that the share of the workforce belonging to a union has dropped from around half in 1983 to only around one in eight now.
This is largely a matter of structural change. The heavily unionised manufacturing sector is now a smaller proportion of the economy. But the reduced role of unions in winning wage rises under the accord may also have contributed.
Chapman was the designer of the Higher Education Contribution Scheme (HECS), an income-contingent loan scheme by which students contributed to the cost of their university education, without being deterred by upfront fees. This Hawke government policy was internationally influential. But as former Labor leader turned university vice-chancellor Bill Shorten recently commented, “the higher education system has moved from a situation in 1990 where the government would pay 90% of a student’s course to now, on average, below 50%”.
Taflaga calls out the “mythology of bipartisan economic reform”. Evans also describes this as a “fantasy”. Whatever the coalition said later, it opposed many of the Hawke government’s reforms at the time, including the establishment of Medicare, compulsory superannuation and tax reforms, such as the introduction of fringe benefits tax and capital gains tax.
The task of economic reform was, however, made easier by a more serious media. Grattan observes that, during the Hawke era, senior public servants would give the media “background briefings” to explain how policy worked. Treasurer Paul Keating “was able to weave policy into a story”, accompanied by diagrams on a whiteboard.
Paul Keating and Bob Hawke at a NSW Labor campaign event in Sydney, January 1988.Patrick Riviere/Getty Images
Many reforms, dramatic at the time, now seem uncontroversial. As the editors comment, “no one today advocates for fixed exchange rates and few support a return to high tariffs”. But in some areas, such as education, corporatisation may have gone too far. The editors voice concern about “the galloping wealth inequality that took off in the 1980s”, which market reforms may have exacerbated: “nobody on the Labor side of politics today – not even Paul Keating himself – would argue as enthusiastically for the role of market forces as Keating did during the mid-1980s heyday of reformist energy”.
Economist Meredith Edwards emphasises that innovative social reforms were implemented in a context of fiscal restraint. Ministers wanting to spend more, or introduce new programs, had to find equivalent savings in others. Edwards regards the government’s child support scheme, like HECS, as world leading. It used the tax office to collect payments from non-custodial parents. She commends the government for its implementation of evidence-based policy. Political scientist Marian Sawer similarly attributes a good record on women’s policy to preparatory work by minister Susan Ryan.
Academic and Yawuru man Peter Yu, on the other hand, assesses that the Hawke government delivered little for First Nations Australians, other than establishing ATSIC.
Omissions
While Gold Standard? covers many areas, there are some lacunae. It surprised me there was no chapter on foreign policy. Hayden and Evans made important contributions as foreign ministers. The foreign affairs department was merged with the trade department. A ban on mining in Antarctica was implemented. Asia Pacific Economic Co-Operation (APEC) – “four adjectives in search of a noun”, as Evans quipped at the time – and the Cairns Group of trading nations were established.
Australia developed closer relations with Asia. Its role as a middle power, something of great contemporary resonance, blossomed.
Gold Standard? also gives less attention to some missteps. Davis refers briefly to the Australia Card as “an idea whose time swiftly came and went”. The 1990s recession and the MX missile crisis are barely mentioned.
The concluding chapter is contributed by Evans. He attributes the government’s success to the leadership and communication skills of Hawke and Keating, and the clear policy direction. The government was, he argues, “very dry in our economic policy, very compassionately moist in our social policy and very liberal internationalist in our foreign policy”.
Evans judges that the subsequent Labor governments of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard “struggled to recreate anything as compelling”. The government of Anthony Albanese, who has cited Hawke as a role model, is still a work in progress.
