MIL-OSI Export

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vibhu Arya, PhD Student, UTS Business School, University of Technology Sydney

From October 1, 2026, Australians will no longer pay a fee for debit, prepaid and credit payments using eftpos, Mastercard and Visa cards. The Reserve Bank of Australia estimates the change could save consumers around A$1.6 billion a year.

The case for change sounds simple enough: one price, no add-ons, no surprises at the end of a transaction.

But credit card companies, banks, restaurants and others are already warning they could raise fees and prices in other areas once card surcharges are banned.

That means we could see costs shifting, rather than falling.

How a card payment actually works

Most people experience paying by card as a direct exchange with a shop. Behind that tap, several other parties are quietly collecting their share before your money reaches the shop.

When you pay at a cafe, your bank approves the transaction and releases the funds. The cafe’s bank receives that money on the business’s behalf. Between them sits the card network – usually Visa or Mastercard – routing the payment from one to the other.

Then there’s the payment service provider, the company behind both the software processing the transaction and the physical device you tapped your card on.

Each of them charges for what they do. When a business applies a surcharge on card payments, it’s trying to claw back some of these costs.

The single largest charge is the interchange fee, currently capped at 0.8% of your purchase for credit cards and 0.2% for debit cards, paid to banks.

The Reserve Bank regulates most of these fees (other than the payment service provider fees) and its October changes aim to bring down those costs.

(These changes won’t apply to American Express cards or “buy-now pay-later” like Afterpay, which will be looked at in a separate public consultuation starting in mid-2026.)

What’s changing from October

From October 2026, surcharges on most debit and credit card transactions will be banned.

Interchange fees paid to banks will be capped below their current levels. For credit cards, those fees will drop from 0.8% to 0.3%.

And for debit cards, the fee will drop from the current rate of either 10 cents or 0.2%, down to either 8 cents or 0.16% (whichever is lower).

That’s expected to cost banks an estimated $660 million a year.

The Reserve Bank (RBA) decision was based on a clear principle: what the price tag says should be what the customer pays, regardless of how they choose to pay.

The RBA said they were responding to “strong feedback” from a public survey, which found three-quarters (76%) of people wanted surcharges to end.

Which consumers look set to pay more

The RBA estimates a surprisingly low share of merchants – just 16% in 2024/25 – add surcharges for card payments. But that’s doubled since 2022, making it harder for consumers to avoid unexpected, costly surcharges.

The central bank acknowledges that from October, businesses that have had surcharges “may increase their advertised prices to cover the cost of accepting card payments”. But it expects those price rises “to be negligible”.

In practice, the RBA is saying that if you pay a card surcharge at your local cafe today, expect its prices to rise slightly in October, once surcharges are banned. If you always pay by credit card now, you might not notice any difference then.

But if you’re in the minority of Australians who pay with cash, or insert a debit card into the eftpos machine to pay lower surcharges, you could end up paying slightly more at some businesses from October than you do now.

The Australian Restaurant and Cafe Association has said:

We expect menu prices will increase on October 1 and for any business that does not pass costs on, their profit will drop. Consumers will now pay $5.10 for a coffee that used to cost them $5.08, and the biggest losers are cash payers.

Australian banks have also said they may have to make up their losses with higher card fees, higher rates or shorter interest-free periods.

Lessons from overseas

The European Union and United Kingdom banned card surcharges back in 2018, arguing it would save consumers money and avoid nasty surprises at the checkout.

Past studies from the Netherlands showed that when extra card fees are removed, people are more likely to pay by card. Widely-cited research by economists David Evans and Richard Schmalensee explains that in payment systems, when pricing changes like this, the costs don’t disappear – they just move around.

The real lesson from what the EU has done is that beyond banning surcharges, you also need to give people better options to avoid card payments completely.

Other countries like India, China, Brazil and Singapore have already made it easier to pay without a card than Australia.

Hard choices for smaller businesses

The RBA’s move to cap interchange fees should ease some cost impacts, both for consumers and for business. The RBA estimates businesses will save $910 million through lower interchange fees.

For larger businesses, the new interchange cap is largely beside the point. Their transaction volumes already gave them the leverage to negotiate rates directly with card networks – well below the ceiling the RBA has now set.

According to the RBA, 89% of large businesses are not surcharging customers now.

The RBA says most small businesses will be better off from October, as 85% of small merchants don’t add a surcharge now.

For smaller businesses that have had surcharges – like a local pharmacy or independent grocer – the good news is their overall card fees will now be lower. But they won’t vanish entirely.

That leaves them with limited choices: absorb a hit to margins, or lift prices.

What to expect in October

From October, paying by card will feel cleaner. One price, no additions. That will feel like a genuine improvement.

But a simpler checkout is not necessarily the same as a cheaper one.

Whether shopping actually becomes less expensive is a different question – partly depending on whether you’re someone who’s been avoiding surcharges by paying with cash, but also on how banks and businesses respond by raising other prices.

– ref. Banning card surcharges will make paying simpler – but not necessarily cheaper – https://theconversation.com/banning-card-surcharges-will-make-paying-simpler-but-not-necessarily-cheaper-279662

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/01/banning-card-surcharges-will-make-paying-simpler-but-not-necessarily-cheaper-279662/

ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 1, 2026.

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Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/01/er-report-a-roundup-of-significant-articles-on-eveningreport-nz-for-april-1-2026/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amin Saikal, Emeritus Professor of Middle Eastern Studies, Australian National University; The University of Western Australia; Victoria University

For all their claims of military success in their war with Iran, the United States and Israel have yet to clearly define their rationale for starting the conflict, their goals and their exit strategy.

With the Iranian regime having mounted a robust response, the Middle East has been plunged into an unnecessary confrontation with no end in sight.

When US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu started this war a month ago, they didn’t have a clear understanding of the nature of the Iranian regime and its defensive capability.

They didn’t expect Tehran to counter their offensives with an unprecedented level of preparedness, striking US bases across the Persian Gulf and hitting Israel hard.

Nor did they anticipate Tehran would close the Strait of Hormuz, partially or fully, to cause a shortage of oil and gas with severe consequences for the global economy.

Driven by an embrace of military power, they acted on a belief that American and Israeli might from the air and sea would force the Islamic government to quickly capitulate, enabling the Iranian people to instigate a favourable regime change – something that has not transpired.

With a military victory now looking increasingly elusive, Trump will need to pivot to a diplomatic solution – and force Netanyahu to comply.

Why Iran has proven so resilient

Prior to the war, the Islamic government was under enormous domestic pressure and international criticism for its suppression of widespread public protests that left thousands of Iranians dead.

The regime was also struggling to come to terms with Israel’s degradation of its regional affiliates, Hamas and Hezbollah in particular, not to mention the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s dictatorship in Syria.

While distrustful of Trump, it felt compelled to enter into negotiations with the US once more for a viable settlement of its controversial nuclear program. In late February, the chief mediator, the Omani foreign minister, said a deal was within reach.

When the US and Israel attacked instead, it gave the Islamic government a different sort of opportunity: it could demonstrate the resilience it had spent decades building.

Iran’s system of authority, governance and security was structured to withstand the loss of its leaders and commanders. The regime had shown this in the 1980s in the face of stiff internal opposition, the eight-year war with Iraq, US efforts to contain it and regional hostility.

The Islamic government has also managed to survive despite its theocratic impositions, frequent public uprisings and domestic and foreign policy shortfalls. The reasons for this include:

• the belief of many Shia Muslims in revolutionary Islamism

• its combination of ideological rigidity and pragmatic flexibility, and

• a dedicated and entrenched security, intelligence and administrative apparatus whose survival is dependent on the regime’s survival.

While many Iranians have wanted to see the back of the Islamic government, most are still very proud of their cultural and civilisational heritage. They don’t like to see Iran being subjected to outside aggression, destruction and humiliation.

A war of endurance

This explains why many Iranians have rallied around the flag, as they have historically done against outside aggression.

Knowing it cannot match the firepower of the US and Israel, the Islamic government has shown ingenuity in creating a “mosaic defence” strategy of asymmetrical warfare. This entails adapting and responding to US military weaknesses (for instance, by targeting US bases in Persian Gulf countries with drones and missiles) and decentralising its command structure so leaders can quickly be replaced when they are killed.

The regime has been assisted by Russia and China with supplies of dual-use technologies and revenue from oil imports. Russia has also reportedly been giving Iran intelligence on the location of US assets in the region.

And although Iran’s regional affiliates have been degraded, they are still capable of backing the Islamic Republic in the conflict. Both Hezbollah and the Yemeni Houthis have entered the war by targeting Israel. The Houthis may also attempt to disrupt shipping through the Red Sea.

In short, the Iranian government is resolved to deny the US and Israel a victory at all costs. Given this, the conflict has become a war of endurance.

A deal is the only way out

How long the US, Israel and Iran stay in the fight is a matter of conjecture. However, as the situation stands, the space for a diplomatic resolution has very much tightened. Iran has not shown a desire to back down, and the US and Israel are not united in their goals.

Trump may eventually settle for a deal on Iran’s nuclear program and a potential reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, given the costs of the war and his falling poll numbers in a year of mid-term elections.

But Netanyahu seems adamant in his pursuit. He wants to destroy the Islamic government and weaken the Iranian state as a regional actor.

What is increasingly clear is the war is unlikely to end by military means. The only way forward is a negotiated settlement. The onus will therefore fall on Trump to pull Netanyahu into line and take the lead on trying to strike a deal.

Some analysts have already concluded that no matter how the war ends, Iran is prevailing.

– ref. Trump underestimated Iran’s resilience. Now there is only one way out of the war – https://theconversation.com/trump-underestimated-irans-resilience-now-there-is-only-one-way-out-of-the-war-279667

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/01/trump-underestimated-irans-resilience-now-there-is-only-one-way-out-of-the-war-279667/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole Townsend, Lecturer in War Studies, UNSW Sydney

As the war in Iran heads into its second month, the conflict has escalated rapidly. The effects are being felt around the world, and there is no clear sign of it ending.

So far, the Australian government has said it will not commit troops to the conflict.

But if it were to take such a step in the future, what would that involve?

Australian involvement in the conflict

Iran responded to US-Israeli airstrikes by lashing out against its regional neighbours in the Gulf. Gulf states requested military assistance to defend against Iranian attacks, and the Albanese government agreed to provide air-to-air missiles, a surveillance aircraft, and 85 supporting personnel.

The government has carefully emphasised the defensive character of its commitment, in line with the right to collective self-defence outlined in Article 51 of the UN Charter.

Still, legal experts have pointed out that the distinction between defensive and offensive operations means little. Australia is involved in the conflict, even if it does not partake in offensive operations against Iran.

Read more: Australia is sending an aircraft and personnel to the Middle East. Does this mean we are entering the war?

But if we do go to war, how does it happen?

If the Australian government decides to commit troops to the war, it will not need to consult parliament before doing so.

Australia’s war powers provisions are quite detailed. But, simply put, there are two key documents that determine who exercises war powers in Australia.

The first is the Constitution, which gives war powers to the governor-general as commander-in-chief of the Australian Defence Force (ADF).

The second is the Defence Act 1903, which gives the defence minister the power to direct the ADF.

In both, war powers are the prerogative of the executive, the branch of government that puts the law into action. The executive comprises the king (who is represented by the governor-general), the prime minister, and their ministers.

In practice, the National Security Committee of Cabinet (NSC) specifically exercises this power. The NSC deals with the “highest-priority, highest-risk and most strategic national security matters of the day”.

NSC decisions do not need to be endorsed by the broader Cabinet, and the executive is not required to consult parliament first. It must, however, inform parliament and facilitate debate as early as possible.

The process is similar in other Commonwealth nations, including New Zealand and Canada.

The situation in the United States is different. The US constitution gives Congress the power to declare war, but the president is commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Essentially, Congress initiates war, and the president directs the armed forces once authorised by Congress.

In practice, many presidents have deployed troops without Congress’ approval, including in the Korean and Vietnam Wars. This led Congress to pass the War Powers Resolution in 1973 to curb presidential war powers. Presidents continued to commit troops without congressional approval, and Congress has proven less willing or able to assert authority in these situations.

Responding to the current conflict, Congress debated President Donald Trump’s authority to attack Iran, but efforts by Democrats and some Republicans failed, as they had in the aftermath of recent US operations in Venezuela.

Proposals for reform in Australia

Since 1985, numerous bills have been introduced in the Senate. All sought to limit executive war powers by requiring parliamentary approval to deploy the ADF in war or warlike operations. None succeeded.

While Defence Minister Richard Marles ordered a parliamentary inquiry into war powers in 2022, he told the committee the decision to commit troops to war was “within the prerogative powers of the executive” and should remain so. Ultimately, the inquiry affirmed the executive authority of prime minister and Cabinet to decide on matters of war. It also rejected the introduction of a parliamentary veto.

This has not stopped the Greens from again calling for war powers reform amid the Iran conflict.

The Greens want the execution of war powers to be contingent on a vote in both houses of parliament – and they say public opinion is on their side. So, what do Australians think about the issue?

What do Australians think?

A national poll by Essential Research in April 2023 found 90% of those surveyed thought parliamentary approval should be required to go to war. This is the figure the Greens have cited in their current bid for reform.

Last year, the War Studies Research Group asked Australians what they thought about war powers as part of a larger national survey on public attitudes towards the ADF. The survey involved 1,500 people and was conducted from late February to early March 2025 as part of our work to measure public attitudes towards the ADF.

Overall, 76% of respondents agreed the government should always be required to consult parliament before committing the ADF to war. Of those, 37% strongly agreed, while less than 5% disagreed.

Notably, the survey indicated a remarkable consensus across Australia. 70% or more of almost all demographic cohorts supported parliamentary involvement. This included gender, age, location, income, education, military background, and nationality.

Majority agreement also held across political preference lines, with highest approval levels among respondents who voted Labor (81%) and Independent (82%).

Where to from here?

Despite the Greens’ efforts and broad public support for war powers reform, the major parties have favoured the status quo and will continue to do so.

As Labor Senator Raffaele Ciccone informed the Senate last week:

The Albanese government supports the continuation of current arrangements that govern the deployment of the Australian Defence Force to overseas engagements.

While the government remains committed to keeping the parliament updated on matters of war, it is unlikely war powers reform will occur.

– ref. Should the parliament decide if Australia goes to war? – https://theconversation.com/should-the-parliament-decide-if-australia-goes-to-war-279446

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/01/should-the-parliament-decide-if-australia-goes-to-war-279446/

COMMENTARY: By Audrey van Ryn

Museums around the world present the story of war in different ways. The Imperial War Museum in London includes military history, the Holocaust, women’s roles in the two world wars, wartime artwork and the political issues of the time.

This museum records both civilian and military experiences, looking at the impact of war on people’s lives. Its Crimes Against Humanity section has a continuous film about genocide and ethnic violence in our time.

The Dutch Resistance Museum in Amsterdam focuses on the Dutch experience during the occupation of the Netherlands by Nazi Germany during World War Two, and features personal stories of those who lived during that period.

National museums in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh musealise the memory of the 1947 Partition in different, selective ways, with oral history, survivor testimonies, and personal artefacts to document the displacement and trauma of the subcontinent’s division.

How does our own war museum remember war?

Visitors to Auckland’s War Memorial Museum find that the top floor is dedicated to the memory of New Zealand soldiers killed in World Wars One and Two.

The WWI Hall of Memories contains a sanctuary, used for commemoration. In this space are medals and badges of units in which men and women from the Auckland Province served, and British badges that acknowledge those who joined British units.

Roll of honour
In the WWII Hall of Memories, carved into marble is the permanent roll of honour of men and women from the Auckland Province who died in both World Wars, and in Korea, Malaya, Borneo and Vietnam.

The Scars on the Heart exhibition covers New Zealand’s civil wars of the 1840s and 1860s, the Anglo-Boer War, the First and Second World Wars, the Asian wars and New Zealand’s involvement in United Nations peacekeeping missions. Items on display include letters, diaries, photos, clothing and firearms.

There is a recreation of a bivouac shelter at Gallipoli and a Western Front trench from WWI.

This year, the greatest number of active armed conflicts since the end of the Second World War is taking place. The Doomsday Clock was set at 85 seconds to midnight on January 27 — the closest it has ever been to midnight.

Funding for nuclear weapons programmes is increasing and the New START treaty, the nuclear arms reduction treaty between the United States and Russia has expired, with US President Donald Trump having no interest in renewing arms limitation agreements.

Remembering the destructive and tragic consequences of war should be central to the role of museums in their telling of stories about war. However, unfortunately, around the same time as the recent removal of asbestos from the museum, some of these vital stories have been removed.

They include evidence of civilian war trauma installed in the 1990s by then head curator Lieutenant-Colonel Chris Pugsley to show impacts of war on civilians. Another removal has been the 1968 “Letter from a Vietnam Hospital” by the New Zealand surgeon and surgical team leader in Vietnam, Dr Peter Eccles-Smith, and a photo of a woman and a child who were victims of the Nagasaki atomic bomb in 1945.

No record of NZ nuclear protests
There is also no longer any text or photos showing New Zealand’s official protests against French nuclear testing at Moruroa Atoll in the South Pacific.

In addition to the reinstatement of these particular items, a more encompassing telling of stories about war at Auckland Museum than at present could include the portrayal of New Zealand’s resistance to international wars, the work of civilian and army medical personnel, photos of injured soldiers and civilians, photos and placards of anti-war demonstrators, stories of conscientious objectors, portrayals of victims of the atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and photos and stories about the nuclear-free movement in NZ and the Pacific, including the fateful journey of Greenpeace’s Rainbow Warrior across Oceania into Auckland Harbour.

Auckland Museum’s 2025 plan included “Enabling commemoration opportunities to reflect the community while exploring themes of conflict and peace; and commitment to broadening our commemorative narrative to be inclusive of diverse experiences and events relevant to our communities.”

This year is 30 years since the International Court of Justice declared that the threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally contradict international law. Next year, 2027, will be the 40th anniversary of NZ’s nuclear-free legislation, a fitting time for Auckland Museum to launch an exhibition that could include NZ’s official and civil society opposition to nuclear weapons.

Veteran peace activists hope to forge a constructive working relationship with Auckland Museum to help portray people’s experience of war more fully, and create a peace gallery to tell the story of NZ’s peace history.

Audrey van Ryn is a peace activist and writer. In 2009, she created the Auckland Peace Heritage Walk on behalf of the United Nations Association of NZ. She is currently secretary of Community Groups Feeding the Homeless.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/01/how-museums-can-remember-war-while-honouring-civilian-trauma-and-resistance/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese will address the nation at 7pm Wednesday night on the Middle East war, the fuel crisis and the government’s response to it, and what Australians can do in response.

In his pre-Easter address, which will be carried by all television channels, Albanese’s message to the public will be that it should be business-as-usual over the holiday period.

Prime ministerial addresses-to-the-nation are rare but have been used during COVID and the Global Financial Crisis.

United States President Donald Trump will address the American people on Thursday Australian time.

In a fresh government announcement in response to the fuel crisis, small businesses hit by fuel issues will get more flexibility with their tax obligations.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers said businesses unable to meet their tax obligations because of fuel supply problems will be able to receive temporary relief from the Australian Taxation Office.

This will include more generous payment plans, remission of interest and penalties, and support in varying PAYG instalments where taxable income has turned down.

The tax office will also limit some compliance action for the worst affected industries. Some debt collection may also be paused.

To help small business access credit more easily and faster, the Small Business Responsible Lending Obligation exemption will be extended for another ten years.

This obligation requires lenders to make rigorous checks of borrowers’ financial situation to ensure that the loan is not unsuitable. During COVID small businesses were accorded an exemption. This was due to run out in October.

The government said the extension would “ensure small businesses aren’t slugged with additional regulatory burdens and delays when accessing loans”.

Chalmers announced the changes at a news conference with representatives of big business, small business and the banks.

Meanwhile the federal government is still waiting for the states to sort out arrangements relating to the extra GST revenue they will receive from higher fuel prices.

They agreed at national cabinet on Monday to provide some GST relief but are still working on the detail.

Chalmers told his news conference: “I’m not going to take shots at them. I’m not going to be part of a kind of unseemly brawl about this.”

“But we don’t want to see this drag out for ever. We don’t want to see the states and territories at war over this. We want to see the relief flow to motorists.”

– ref. Albanese to address the nation on the Middle East war and fuel crisis – https://theconversation.com/albanese-to-address-the-nation-on-the-middle-east-war-and-fuel-crisis-279208

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/04/01/albanese-to-address-the-nation-on-the-middle-east-war-and-fuel-crisis-279208/