The 12 months from July 2024 to June last year saw the highest number of preventable residential fire deaths in a decade, with 17 people killed in house fires. Seven of those deaths occurred during the winter months.
When the clocks go back an hour as daylight saving ends this Sunday, 5 April, Fire and Emergency New Zealand’s Community Education Manager, Tom Ronaldson wants people to install smoke alarms in the rooms where they sleep.
“Many of the deaths in that year were the result of not having smoke alarms in the right places.
“We are urging people to not only check their alarms, but to make sure they have smoke alarms in every room where someone sleeps,” Tom Ronaldson says.
“It’s also important to look out for older neighbours, family and friends who may not have the ability to install smoke alarms themselves.
“More than 60 percent of avoidable residential fires in the last five years involved people over the age of 60.
“We encourage you to check in on the older people in your lives and near you to make sure their smoke alarms are less than 10 years old, still working, and that they have one in the room where they sleep.”
Every year over the colder months, Fire and Emergency sees an increase in household fires as people heat their homes, including in households where they have smoke alarms, but not necessarily in the right places to save lives.
“Most New Zealand homes have smoke alarms, but now is the time to make sure you, your family and your community have them in the right places and that means in every bedroom, living area and hallway,” Tom Ronaldson says.
Across the Arctic north, reindeer still follow routes that have shaped Sámi life for generations, tying people to land, culture and identity.
Now University of Auckland Law School Professor Claire Charters is heading to Sápmi to study the Indigenous political institutions that have emerged from that history.
Charters (Ngāti Whakaue, Tūwharetoa, Ngāpuhi, Tainui) has received a $10,000 Borrin Foundation Travel and Learning Award to examine Sámi governance institutions and what they might offer Aotearoa New Zealand.
The Sámi, who number about 80,000 across Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia’s Kola Peninsula, are the only recognised Indigenous people in the European Union. In response to pressure on their land, culture and political rights, representative bodies known as Sámi parliaments were established in Norway, Finland and Sweden.
Charters will attend sessions of the parliaments, meet parliamentarians and members of the Sámi Council, and connect with experts in Sámi law and governance at the University of Tromsø, the University of Helsinki, and the University of Oulu.
“The Sámi parliaments in Norway, Finland and Sweden are utterly fascinating as mechanisms to realise Indigenous peoples’ self-determination, even if they only do so imperfectly,” says Charters, who co-directs the Aotearoa New Zealand Centre for Indigenous Peoples and the Law.
“There are so many lessons we can learn to apply in Aotearoa. I’m thrilled to have the opportunity to undertake research on the parliaments in situ.”
Her research will focus on the relevance of Sámi constitutional arrangements to Indigenous governance in Aotearoa, at a time when questions about Māori political authority, self-determination and constitutional transformation remain central.
Charters says her broader work in Indigenous peoples’ rights, in Aotearoa and internationally, is driven by a passion for justice for Māori and other Indigenous peoples in light of the impact of colonisation, together with consequential structural and socio-economic inequities.
Property values across Aotearoa New Zealand increased by 0.2% in March, matching the same rise seen in February. While this marks a modest lift, it comes against the backdrop of the Iran conflict that began in late February and continues to weigh on business and household confidence.
Cotality NZ’s latest Home Value Index (HVI) also shows that the national median value in March of $802,599 was -1.3% lower than a year ago and still down by -17.1% from the peak in early 2022 – which was $968,333.
Trends across the main centres were a little more divergent in March, with Kirikiriroa Hamilton and Te-Whanganui-a-Tara Wellington both edging down by -0.1%, while Tauranga and Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland were flat. By contrast, Ōtautahi Christchurch was up by 0.6% and Ōtepoti Dunedin by 0.7%.
Cotality NZ Chief Property Economist, Kelvin Davidson said that March’s subtle rise in property values at the national level would pique the interest of those looking for early signs of a market upturn, but he also noted that uncertainty remains high.
“Coming off the back of February’s small gain, the latest rise means we’ve now had two increases in a row, potentially signalling a change in trend.”
“That being said, the increases in national values in the past two months clearly remain small and have only made a minor difference to the drop from early 2022’s peak.”
“The Iran conflict is throwing an extra layer of uncertainty over everything.”
“In the property market, values were already still proving slow to respond to the falls in mortgage rates since mid-2024 and the nascent economic recovery.”
“The missing piece has probably been a confidence factor, and now, in light of the latest conflict and sharply higher fuel prices, it’s difficult to see housing sentiment or property values lifting sharply in the near term.”
“Of course, there are always two sides to the coin, and while some sellers/owners may not be too pleased with current housing conditions, first home buyers are capitalising – provided that they feel secure about their jobs in this current uncertain environment.”
“In a nutshell, both the economy and housing market still face a testing period ahead.”
Index results for March 2026
Change in dwelling values
Month
Quarter
Annual
From peak
Median value
Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland
0.0%
-0.2%
-3.4%
-23.1%
$1,039,955
Kirikiriroa Hamilton
-0.1%
0.6%
-2.1%
-12.5%
$723,721
Tauranga
0.0%
0.1%
2.0%
-14.7%
$917,527
Te-Whanganui-a-Tara Wellington*
-0.1%
0.1%
-1.7%
-25.0%
$771,699
Ōtautahi Christchurch
0.6%
1.1%
2.4%
-2.2%
$689,739
Ōtepoti Dunedin
0.7%
1.7%
2.0%
-9.3%
$622,269
Aotearoa New Zealand
0.2%
0.3%
-1.3%
-17.1%
$802,599
Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland
Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland saw flat property values in March across the market as a whole, but this reflected ups and downs at a more granular level. For example, Manukau saw a 0.3% rise, while North Shore was up by 0.2%. Yet Rodney, Waitakere, and Franklin all dropped by -0.3% or more.
Waitakere and Franklin have also been weaker over a three-month period to start the year (down by -0.8% and -0.9% respectively), while North Shore and Manukau have both edged slightly higher since December.
Mr Davidson said, “Auckland’s housing affordability has improved significantly in recent years as more supply has become available, prices have dropped, and incomes have increased. It’s not cheap as such, but better affordability probably does still set the scene for rising house prices eventually.”
“It’s just that in the meantime, general economic confidence around Auckland still looks subdued and it doesn’t benefit as much from a booming agricultural sector as much as say the Canterbury/Christchurch or Otago/Dunedin areas – where property values lifted again in March.”
“Until we can see more of an improvement in the services sector of the economy, Auckland’s housing market may well remain slow – but favourable for buyers.”
Change in dwelling values
Month
Quarter
Annual
From peak
Median value
Rodney
-0.3%
-0.6%
-2.4%
-21.3%
$1,194,535
Te Raki Paewhenua North Shore
0.2%
0.1%
-0.8%
-17.9%
$1,299,465
Waitakere
-0.3%
-0.8%
-2.7%
-24.9%
$902,907
Auckland City
-0.1%
-0.2%
-4.8%
-24.6%
$1,073,683
Manukau
0.3%
0.3%
-3.8%
-24.5%
$975,458
Papakura
-0.1%
-0.4%
-3.4%
-24.1%
$796,089
Franklin
-0.4%
-0.9%
-3.9%
-23.2%
$916,700
Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland
0.0%
-0.2%
-3.4%
-23.1%
$1,039,955
Te Whanganui-a-Tara Wellington
Variability in property values was also on show in the wider Te Whanganui-a-Tara Wellington area in March, with Te Awa Kairangi ki Tai Lower Hutt for example dropping by -0.6%, but Kāpiti Coast and Te Awa Kairangi ki Uta Upper Hutt both rising by at least 0.7% over the month.
That being said, Wellington has still broadly been one of the weakest parts of the country over a longer horizon, with all sub-markets down to some degree over the past 12 months and all by more than 20% from the peak.
Mr Davidson noted, “to a degree new housing supply will have been one factor keeping a lid on values lately, especially in the markets outside Wellington City itself. But as we also see in Auckland, economic confidence in the Wellington area remains muted and it clearly also has a lower exposure to growth sectors such as farming. In this environment, it’s no great surprise that Wellington’s property values remain patchy.”
“The Iran conflict may again push this year’s election into the background for a while, but as domestic political uncertainty rises later in 2026 this is also cause for caution around Wellington’s house prices.”
Change in dwelling values
Month
Quarter
Annual
From peak
Median value
Kāpiti Coast
0.7%
1.7%
-2.2%
-21.8%
$786,281
Porirua
-0.1%
-0.5%
-3.0%
-24.2%
$731,942
Te Awa Kairangi ki Uta Upper Hutt
0.9%
1.0%
-0.7%
-23.8%
$707,441
Te Awa Kairangi ki Tai Lower Hutt
-0.6%
-0.5%
-3.4%
-26.9%
$657,422
Wellington City
0.0%
0.4%
-0.8%
-24.6%
$857,311
Te-Whanganui-a-Tara Wellington
-0.1%
0.1%
-1.7%
-25.0%
$771,699
Regional results
March’s data showed a pretty consistent picture of rising property values in the next tier of markets down from the main centres, with areas such as Te Papaioea Palmerston North and Ngāmotu New Plymouth only edging higher (0.1% apiece) but Ahuriri Napier up by 0.7%, Tairāwhiti Gisborne 0.8%, and Waihōpai Invercargill by 1.7%.
“Invercargill continues to outperform most other parts of the country, rising by 7.1% over the past 12 months. Wairoa and Grey Districts are the only other areas to have growth of 7% or more since March last year,” Davidson noted.
“Invercargill also sits alongside Grey, Westland, Ashburton, Timaru, Central Otago, Southland District, and Gore as the only markets where house prices are currently at a new peak. Those are all in the South Island and with a strong farming base.”
“Of course, even in these areas, the Iran conflict puts a new level of uncertainty into the mix, especially around diesel supply for primary production. In other words, housing market activity and prices in most if not all parts of the country are vulnerable to this developing economic shock.”
Region
Change in dwelling values
Month
Quarter
Annual
From peak
Median value
Whangārei
0.4%
0.4%
-1.3%
-19.3%
$725,087
Heretaunga Hastings
0.2%
0.6%
-0.5%
-17.9%
$730,431
Te Papaioea Palmerston North
0.1%
0.7%
1.8%
-17.8%
$594,523
Ahuriri Napier
0.7%
1.3%
0.1%
-17.6%
$710,615
Tairāwhiti Gisborne
0.8%
1.4%
4.0%
-13.6%
$608,363
Whakatū Nelson
0.4%
0.7%
-1.1%
-13.3%
$714,059
Rotorua
0.2%
0.6%
-0.8%
-12.2%
$652,298
Whanganui
0.3%
1.3%
2.4%
-9.5%
$497,509
Ngāmotu New Plymouth
0.1%
-0.9%
-1.7%
-6.7%
$698,943
Tāhuna Queenstown
0.3%
2.2%
2.9%
-2.0%
$1,583,378
Waihōpai Invercargill
1.7%
2.6%
7.1%
At peak
$531,571
Property market outlook
Mr Davidson noted that the Reserve Bank remains on high alert and although there won’t necessarily be any knee-jerk official cash rate rises in the short term, it’s important to remember that mortgage rates are driven by a broader range of factors.
“Global uncertainty stemming from the Iran conflict and concerns about wider inflationary pressure have already seen interest rates rise in world money markets, and that’s flowed through to mortgage rate lifts at some NZ banks.”
“Many households will be watching that very closely and recent data shows there’s recently been a strong shift by borrowers towards fixing longer.”
“That will give some sense of security to individuals, but for the wider housing market the risks of higher inflation, rising interest rates, and/or a softening economy both point to headwinds,” Davidson said.
“Indeed, our modelled forecast for property sales to rise from around 90,000 last year to 100,000 this year is starting to look a stretch. In the end, though, everything is a watching brief at the moment when it comes to the economy and housing market.”
Police is still taking a firm approach to unsafe driving behaviour from travellers going anywhere on our roads this Easter holiday weekend.
Over Easter weekend in 2025, four lives were lost on roads – down from seven deaths recorded for the same period the year before.
Superintendent Steve Greally, Director of Road Policing, says we can all do much better. We still need drivers and road users to make smart decisions to keep themselves and others safe or they can expect to be ticketed, he says.
“Our staff will be out patrolling roads at any time and any where over Easter weekend and we will use the appropriate enforcement action if motorists are thought to be risking the safety of themselves and others on the roads.
“We are taking a serious stance to ensure we don’t see more lives lost on our roads.”
Police will maintain a high level of visibility on our roads in order to prevent unsafe behaviours and enforce the law with a clear focus on reducing road trauma.
Superintendent Greally urges drivers to consider the safety of others and their own when getting behind the wheel and consider how your actions, can change the lives of people in an instant.
“Decisions when driving can put a life in the balance that’s why it’s important not to overlook them whenever or wherever you’re travelling.
“Make good choices. Put that seatbelt on – both your own and your kids. You don’t need to drink and drive – get a taxi or a ride-share like Uber or Didi or have a sober driver get you home. Never use your phone while driving, that distraction could cost a life, and slow down, plan your holiday journey so you don’t have to hurry anywhere.
“Any of these will improve the chances of you arriving at your destination safely.”
The Government will enter into an agreement to support an additional 90 million litres of storage for diesel at Marsden Point in Northland to boost New Zealand’s fuel resilience as the Middle East conflict continues to impact global fuel supplies, Regional Development and Associate Energy Minister Shane Jones says.
Senior Ministers yesterday signed off on up to $21.6 million from the Regional Infrastructure Fund (RIF) to Channel Infrastructure NZ Ltd.
“This financial arrangement will allow Channel Infrastructure, which owns and operates the former refinery site at Marsden Point, to increase its diesel storage by recommissioning storage tanks with a combined 90 million-litre capacity,” Mr Jones says.
“Channel Infrastructure has assured the Government it can do this within two months. This is an ambitious but do-able project which will help ensure New Zealand is well-placed to weather the fuel supply issues New Zealand faces.
“While we are acutely aware of the importance of petrol and jet fuel, it is diesel that is the lifeblood of our economy. We know we have a secure supply until the end of May. If the opportunities arise for New Zealand to secure diesel supplies over and above what we are expecting, we need to be able to store it.
“Storage of fuel supplies on a large scale is an issue, given much of what we had has been sitting idle at Marsden Point for a number of years,” Mr Jones says.
Work is expected to begin on the refurbishment of the tanks, which can hold about eight days’ supply, within days. The Government will be keeping a very close eye on progress to ensure it is ready to take diesel as quickly as possible.
The RIF financial support has been secured through funds tagged for projects that have been approved in principle but not likely to go ahead.
Waiheke Island will uncork a new chapter this spring with the launch of Waiheke Island of Wine – October, a month-long celebration of the island’s world-class wine, food, culture, and community.
From 1-31 October, vineyards, restaurants, accommodation providers, and local businesses will come together to host a diverse programme of wine-led experiences, positioning Waiheke as New Zealand’s Island of Wine.
The programme will feature winemaker dinners, masterclasses, cellar door exclusives, curated tastings, wine and wellness events, wine talks, and larger-scale hospitality experiences. An invite-only VIP launch will also bring together media, trade, and industry leaders.
Waiheke Winegrowers Chair Rory Dunleavy says the initiative is about bringing a sharper focus to what makes the island unique.
“October is a special time on Waiheke. The vineyards are waking up, the island is stretching into the season, and there’s a real sense of energy building.
This is about opening that moment up and inviting people in. Not just to taste the wines, but to experience the place they come from. The people, the land, the stories behind it all.
Individually we’ve always had something special here, but this is about bringing it together and presenting it as one unified voice.”
The programme is designed to drive shoulder-season visitation while building momentum ahead of the summer peak. Visitors can expect thoughtful, place-led experiences that reflect the character and diversity of Waiheke.
Businesses across the island are invited to participate by creating wine-linked experiences and offers throughout the month.
The full programme will be announced in August 2026.
Preventing avoidable harm starts with safe sleep. Hāpai Te Hauora is encouraging whānau and communities across Aotearoa to mark Safe Sleep Day 2026 on Friday 5 June.
This year’s focus is on ensuring every pēpi has a safe sleep, every time. The message is simple: “make every sleep, a safe sleep.”
Supporting this is the Foundations for Safe Sleep – a practical framework that helps both the sector and whānau create safe sleep environments in everyday life.
The Foundations were launched in 2025 in partnership with whānau, clinicians and researchers, bringing together mātauranga Māori and evidence-based practice.
They were developed in response to feedback that previous safe sleep messaging felt too clinical and didn’t reflect real whānau realities. This approach centres simple, practical guidance that supports whānau to make safe sleep decisions in everyday life.
Preventable sleep-related deaths continue to impact whānau across Aotearoa.
Hāpai Te Hauora National SUDI Lead, Fay Selby-Law, says safe sleep remains an urgent and ongoing kaupapa.
“The message is simple, but it is important: make every sleep a safe sleep. That means giving whānau practical guidance they can use every day, in ways that reflect their realities and keep their pēpi safe.”
The four foundations are:
Face up, face clear
Flat and firm
Free (smoke, vape, alcohol and drug-free environment)
Fathers & Family
Safe Sleep Day is an opportunity to raise awareness, share knowledge, and support whānau across the motu.
In a research report released Thursday they said the cost of living will be 50 percent higher than it might normally have been, with a direct hit from the rise in fuel costs and indirect increases in the price of other goods and services.
“Overall, the recovery in household consumption we had pencilled in for 2026 now looks to be a 2027 story,” ASB chief economist Nick Tuffley said.
He said there was much uncertainty because of the conflict.
“Our central assumption is that the conflict lasts for three months, and that the price impacts last another three months.”
It expected not just a drop in spending but also a change in spending habits.
“Typically, during times of financial pressure, households prioritise essential purchases such as groceries, food and beverages, and pharmaceuticals, while reducing spending in other areas.
“This shift in spending patterns is expected to partially offset the overall increase in household expenses.”
The report’s base assumption was that the conflict would last three months to about mid-year, with the biggest impact on spending would be over the next six months before the start of a rebound in the final three months of the year.
Iran has threatened to sink tankers transiting through the Strait of Hormuz.AFP PHOTO /NASA/HANDOUT
Bigger hit to broader economy
The weaker domestic demand was also expected to affect other parts of the economy.
“Given that the conflict in the Middle East is also likely to impact economic growth, we see downside risks to household consumption via both the wealth and labour market channels as well,” Tuffley said.
That would also mean a brake on house prices and job creation.
The report said the lift in living costs and its effect on consumer spending was a double edged sword for the Reserve Bank.
“The resultant weakness in domestic demand should help keep a lid on inflation, but it also makes the [Reserve Bank’s] job harder, as weaker growth and rising prices are pulling in opposite directions.”
It was still holding to a forecast of a 25 basis point rise in the official cash rate in December to 2.5 percent, but was watching the risk that the RBNZ may have to raise sooner and more aggressively because of medium-term inflation pressures.
Reporting released today shows the Government’s efforts to reduce youth offending and improve school attendance are making a positive difference in the lives of young Kiwis.
Child Poverty Reduction Minister Louise Upston says the Annual Report on the Child and Youth Strategy and the Child Poverty Related Indicators presented in Parliament this morning provides important insights, including:
offending rates for all children and young people have improved from 2023/24 and are significantly improved from 2019/20
substantiated findings of child abuse and neglect have reduced between 2023/24 and 2024/2025
regular school attendance is improving for all learners aged 6 to 16 years old
most parents had access to maternity care and have been coping well with parenting
the number of children living in food insecure households decreased between 2023/24 and 2024/2025.
It’s the second Annual Report on the Child and Youth Strategy and the Child Poverty Related Indicators set by the Government in 2024. Findings show many children and young people are continuing to thrive across a range of outcomes.
However challenges also remain, with 14.3 per cent of children experiencing material hardship in 2024/25, and an increase in the number of children in households receiving a main benefit over the last year.
“These figures reflect the challenges of continuing tough economic circumstances, which we are tackling head-on,” Minister Upston says.
“We’re focused on practical solutions, including breaking cycles of welfare dependency, creating more jobs, and improving outcomes in areas such as education, health, housing and law and order to help keep children out of material hardship in the long term.
“Through the Child and Youth Strategy we’re delivering a coordinated cross-government approach to improve outcomes for children and young people. Our work continues to be informed by our social investment approach to ensure we base investment decisions on research, data, and evidence of impact.
This year’s report also includes updates on key actions to make further progress, including to:
reduce child material hardship through programmes such as the Healthy School Lunches, Early Childhood Education Food, Food Secure Communities and Building Financial Capability
improve school attendance and educational achievement through the Attendance Action Plan and the Lifting Achievement work programme, and
contribute to reducing potentially avoidable hospitalisations through programmes such as Kahu Taurima, the Healthy Homes initiative and the immunisation work programme.
“We’re also continuing to work with and support those outside of government who work directly with children, young people and their families, whānau and communities to give young Kiwis a good start in life,” Louise Upston says.
The Strategy and 2024/25 Annual Report documents are available on the Ministry of Social Development website.
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has announced a refreshed ministerial lineup to continue fixing the basics and protecting New Zealand’s future.
“New Zealanders are facing economic challenges brought on by conflict in the Middle East and its effect on fuel supply across the world,” says Christopher Luxon.
“Having a strong ministerial team with real-world experience to deliver our response is crucial. Today’s reshuffle reflects that and brings in new talent.
“Having successfully delivered significant reforms from outside Cabinet, Chris Penk will now join Cabinet, picking up the Defence, GCSB and NZSIS, and Space portfolios. Chris’ time in the NZDF leaves him well placed to lead the work our Government has done in raising the status and capability of our armed forces.
“Penny Simmonds also joins Cabinet with responsibility for Tertiary Education and Science, Innovation and Technology. Penny has successfully delivered reforms to the vocational education sector, also from outside Cabinet, and will bring her extensive governance experience to her new portfolios.
“The past few weeks have underlined how important energy security is and as such I will be elevating the Energy portfolio to senior minister Simeon Brown.
“Chris Bishop becomes Attorney-General and Paul Goldsmith takes responsibility for the Public Service and Digitising Government, and Pacific Peoples portfolios.
“Louise Upston will become Leader of the House and Simon Watts will be Minister for Auckland.
“Nicola Grigg becomes Minister for the Environment and Scott Simpson becomes Minister of Statistics and Deputy Leader of the House.
“Joining as a Minister outside Cabinet, Cameron Brewer becomes Minister of Commerce and Consumer Affairs and Small Business and Manufacturing, and Associate Minister of Immigration. Mike Butterick becomes Minister for Land Information and Associate Minister of Agriculture.
“Finally, I acknowledge the public service of Judith Collins and Shane Reti who, between them, have dedicated almost 40 years to representing their communities in Parliament.
“Judith was first elected in 2002 and since then, has held numerous different ministerial portfolios and served as Leader of the Opposition. This term, she has delivered the Defence Capability Plan, advanced New Zealand’s space industry and modernised of our public service.
“In Shane’s 12 years in Parliament, he has served as Deputy Leader of the Opposition and has delivered key reforms as a minister, including improving the commerciality of our science sector to boost incomes and create jobs. He has also played a key role in projects that will benefit New Zealanders for generations, like the third medical school and expanded cancer screening.
“I would also like to acknowledge the staff who have supported Judith and Shane throughout their time here.
“New Zealand is better for Judith and Shane deciding to enter public service and I am grateful to count them both as friends. On behalf of the Government and the National Party, I wish them all the best for their futures outside Parliament.”
These changes will come into effect on Tuesday 7 April.
New Zealand and the Cook Islands have signed a Defence & Security Declaration in Rarotonga today, Foreign Minister Winston Peters has announced.
“New Zealand and the Cook Islands have a special constitutional relationship which has endured for six decades,” Mr Peters says.
“Today’s Declaration is about setting a course together for the future.
“The strategic environment we face is more complex and contested today than at any other point since New Zealand and the Cook Islands formed our free association relationship in 1965.
“In that context, it’s vital that New Zealand and the Cook Islands are clear, with one another and third parties, about the nature of our special relationship and our responsibilities to one another in the defence and security domains.
“This Declaration outlines a set of important political commitments that the Cook Islands and New Zealand have made to one another which provide clarity on key aspects of our special constitutional relationship.
“It’s no secret that our two governments have had a series of serious disagreements since late 2024,” Mr Peters says.
“As we debated how to get past these disagreements, it became clear that one of their root causes was the lack of a shared understanding about the requirements of our special constitutional relationship – especially as it pertained to defence and security matters and the extent of the consultation required between us.
“This Declaration resolves this former ambiguity and provides clarity to both Governments so that we can move forward focused on the future, not the past.”
The Declaration adds to the other important expressions of the New Zealand-Cook Islands relationship: the Cook Islands Constitution, the exchange of letters between Prime Ministers Norman Kirk and Albert Henry in 1973, the Letters Patent of 1983 and the Joint Centenary Declaration of 2001.
New Zealand’s paused financial support to the Cook Islands will be restored following today’s Declaration signing, Mr Peters says.
“We earlier took a difficult decision to pause parts of New Zealand’s funding to the Cook Islands Government because there was no shared understanding of the nature of our special constitutional relationship. Now that we have come to a mutually satisfactory understanding of the underpinnings of our partnership, we are pleased to normalise all aspects of our relationship – including New Zealand’s financial support.
“Throughout the past two years, New Zealand has never wavered from our steadfast commitment to the Cook Islands people and their strong attachment to the free association relationship between our two countries.
“We are pleased to now have a shared certainty about the contours of that relationship, and we are grateful to Prime Minister Brown and his government for the constructive way they approached the negotiation of this Declaration.
“New Zealand and the Cook Islands people benefit from our special constitutional relationship. We look forward now to further enhancing the broad range of cooperation between New Zealand and the Cook Islands, as well as navigating together the complex strategic environment and the many shared challenges we face,” Mr Peters says.
The political commitments made in the Declaration are summarised below. The Declaration’s full text can be foundhere.
Declaration summary
The Cook Islands-New Zealand Defence and Security Declaration contains a series of commitments.
The political commitments made by the Cook Islands to New Zealand in the Declaration are as follows:
To uphold the fundamental values upon which New Zealand citizenship is based (clause 2).
To discharge its foreign policy and diplomatic relationships subject to the constitutional limits of free association (clause 5).
To uphold the defence and security interests of New Zealand, the Cook Islands and the Realm as a whole (clause 6).
To continue to permit the New Zealand Defence Force access to the Cook Islands’ territory (including EEZ) to fulfil its mandate and uphold shared security commitments (clause 9).
To consult with New Zealand in good faith on matters of defence and security that may affect New Zealand’s interests and constitutional responsibilities (clause 10), including maintaining regular structured dialogue and providing information to New Zealand on defence or security matters upon its request and to the fullest extent possible (clause 13).
To engage with New Zealand on any requests for defence and security before engagement with other partners (clause 14).
In return, New Zealand has committed to the Cook Islands that it will:
Remain the primary defence and security partner for the Cook Islands and provide defence and security capacity and capability building (clause 7).
Uplift Defence engagement and uphold the responsibility of the New Zealand Defence Force for the Cook Islands (clause 8).
Consult with the Cook Islands in good faith on matters of defence and security that may affect the Cook Islands’ interests (clause 10), including maintaining regular structured dialogue and providing information to the Cook Islands on defence or security matters upon its request and to the fullest extent possible. (clause 13).
Both New Zealand and the Cook Islands have committed not to enter into activities, agreements or arrangements with other partners that would undermine the commitments set out in the Declaration
Police are disappointed in a group’s actions after toy guns were brandished at members of the public at a night market last night.
At around 10.40pm, Police received a report of youths pointing a firearm at a bus driver at Botany Town Centre.
With the group believed to be in possession of a firearm, Counties Manukau East Area Commander, Inspector Rod Honan, says an armed response was initiated.
“Given the information, our staff were armed, and on arrival officers swiftly located a group of five youths who were taken into custody,” Inspector Honan says.
The group had discarded the firearm prior to Police arrival, and a search of the area located the gun, which was confirmed to be a plastic imitation gel blaster.
A second imitation gel blaster was found in a backpack belonging to one of the young people, along with a small quantity of cannabis. These items have been seized.
“As officers pieced together the events of the evening, it was revealed the group had pointed the imitation firearms at two other members of the public.”
The victim also revealed that when the group discarded the gun, another member of the public picked it up and pointed it at them.
This person, a 38-year-old man, was located and taken into custody.
Inspector Honan says this is a timely reminder that presenting a firearm will initiate a strong response from Police and can result in charges, even if it’s a replica.
“Police take any report of the presence of firearms in the community very seriously.
“The group’s actions last night showed a complete lack of common sense.
“Police would like to remind the public that it is an offence under the Arms Act to possess or use an imitation firearm without a lawful, proper and sufficient purpose.”
Five youths were taken to Ormiston Police Station where they were spoken to before being released.
A 38-year-old man was arrested for breaching his release conditions.
As a scholar who researches U.S. forever wars, I believe the answer is simple: Trump, like other U.S. presidents before him, has fallen into what I call the trap of asymmetric resolve. In short, this occurs when a stronger power with less determination to fight starts a military conflict with a far weaker state that has near boundless determination to prevail. Victory for the strong becomes tough, even close to impossible.
When it comes to Iran, the Islamic Republic wants – and needs – victory more than the United States. Unlike the U.S., the Iranian government’s very existence is on the line. And that gives Tehran many more incentives – and in many cases very effective countermeasures – through which to fight on.
The trap of asymmetric resolve
Typically, in asymmetric wars the stronger side does not face the same potential for regime death as the weaker side. In short, it has less on the line. And this can lead to lesser resolve, making it hard to sustain the costs of war required to defeat the weaker, more determined rival.
Such dynamics have played out in conflicts dating back to at least the sixth century B.C., when a massive Persian army under Darius I was checked by a much smaller, determined Scythian military, leading in the end to a humiliating Persian retreat.
For the U.S. in the modern era, wars of asymmetric resolve have likewise not been kind.
Many other great powers have fallen into this same trap – and at times in the same countries. Despite far fewer casualties than the Afghan resistance, the mighty Soviet Union suffered a humiliating defeat in its nine-year war in Afghanistan during the 1980s. The same happened to the French in Vietnam and Algeria after World War II.
Asymmetric resolve in the Iran war
A similar asymmetry is now playing out in Iran.
Unlike 2025’s 12-day war that largely targeted Iranian military installations, including its nuclear sites, Trump and the Israelis are now directly threatening the survival of the Iranian government. Killing the supreme leader, a slew of other powerful figures, and encouraging a popular uprising made this crystal clear.
Tehran is responding as it said it would were its survival to be at stake. Prior to the current war, Iran warned it would retaliate against Israel, Arab Gulf nations and U.S. bases across the region, as well as largely close the Straight of Hormuz to commercial traffic.
In short, it is going all-in to cause as much pain as it can to the U.S. and its interests.
Iran has suffered the disproportionate number of loses in the current war, both in terms of human casualties and depleted weaponry. As of mid-March, there have been upward of 5,000 Iranian military casualties and more than 1,500 Iranian civilian deaths, compared to 13 dead U.S. service members.
Yet, Tehran isn’t backing down, saying on March 10, “We will determine when the war ends.”
This conflicts with how Iran was being presented to the American public prior to the war. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in January that “Iran is probably weaker than it’s ever been.” It has no ballistic missiles capable of hitting the U.S. homeland, a decimated nuclear program and fewer allies than ever across the Middle East.
With Iran proving resilient, American public opinion on the war has been definitively negative. This aspect of war resolve can be especially challenging for democracies, where a disgruntled public can vote leaders out of power.
Fading or low U.S. public support for war was likewise a primary driver in past U.S. asymmetric quagmires.
Indeed, the Iran war is more unpopular than just about any other U.S. war since World War II, with polling consistently finding around 60%of Americans in opposition.
For Iran, as a nondemocracy there are far less reliable figures to compare this to on its side. Before the war, the government faced a major public crisis with widespread protests, but for many reasons – including its brutal crackdown and a potential “rally around the flag” effect – Iranian public opinion has proved far less salient.
The Trump administration is attempting to mitigate the impact that asymmetrical resolve has by saying the length and scope of the operation will remain limited.
To reassure the public and calm financial markets, Trump keeps promising a short war and delaying bigger strikes to give space for negotiations that he, not the Iranians, says are ongoing.
History suggests that once faced with a smaller military power showing greater resolve, the larger power has two trajectories. It can succumb to the hubris of power and escalate, such as was the case in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan. Or it can wind down the conflict in an attempt to save face.
Often in the past, leaders of a stronger side opt for the first option of escalation. They just can’t escape thinking that a little more force here or there wins the conflict. President Barack Obama wrongly thought a surge of 30,000 additional U.S. troops into Afghanistan would bring the Taliban to their knees.
Despite signs that he wants out of the Iran war, Trump could still fall to the hubris of power. More U.S. troops are on the way to the Gulf, and B-52 bombers have been flying over Iran for the first time.
As Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan show, following hubris into escalation against a determined foe like Iran will probably come at great cost to the U.S.
The other option – that of winding down the war – is still available to Trump.
And Trump has gone down this route before. He signed a deal in 2020 with the Taliban to end the war in Afghanistan rather than surge more troops in. And just last year, Trump declared victory and walked away from an air war in Yemen when he realized ground forces would be required to overcome the resolve of the Houthis.
The U.S. president could try the same with Iran – saying the job is done then walking away, or entering real, sustained negotiations to end the war. Either way, he’ll need to give something up, such as unfettered access through Hormuz or sanctions relief.
Trump likely won’t like that. But polling suggests Americans will take it. After all, who wants another Vietnam?
An author and freelance journalist has admitted to using AI to help him write a book review for the New York Times.
Alex Preston’s review of Jean-Baptiste Andrea’s novel Watching Over Her, published by the New York Times in January 2026, draws phrases and full paragraphs from Christobel Kent’s Guardian review. The “error” was brought to light by a reader, who alerted the New York Times to the similarities.
Preston told the Guardian he is “hugely embarassed” and “made a huge mistake”.
Alex Preston has admitted to using AI to help write a book review.Hachette
The Times promptly dropped Preston, calling his “reliance on A.I. and his use of unattributed work by another writer” a “clear violation of the Times’s standards”. An editor’s note now precedes the review online, advising readers of the issue and providing a link to the Guardian review.
Preston’s apology to the Guardian raises more questions than it resolves. The portion quoted online seems to speak more to the issue of unattributed work than his use of AI. It reads: “I made a serious mistake in using an AI tool on a draft review I had written, and I failed to identify and remove overlapping language from another review that the AI dropped in.” This implies that if he had removed the “overlapping” language, the issue would have been avoided.
As a literary critic and scholar, I believe the deeper question isn’t whether or not critics should do more to hide their use of AI – but the ethics of using it at all.
Why AI can’t do criticism
The role of the critic isn’t to summarise or repackage art, but to actively participate in a conversation about it. “Good criticism thrives in the complexity of its environment,” writes critic Jane Howard, who is also The Conversation’s Arts + Culture editor. “Each review sits in conversation with every other review of a piece of art, with every other review the critic has written.”
In other words, the critic is in conversation with both the artist and the audience. The critic’s emotional and intellectual engagement with art – and their translation and communication of meaning – is intrinsic to their role as mediator. That role is deeply human.
Perhaps information can be outsourced, but emotional engagement can’t. Nor can an individual perspective, filtered through one human’s reading, viewing, listening and experiences.
Shy Girl was cancelled due to AI accusations against its author.
Last month, author Mia Ballard was accused of using AI to write her horror novel, Shy Girl. It was withdrawn from publication in the UK and cancelled from scheduled publication in the US, after “readers on platforms such as Goodreads and Reddit had questioned whether sections of the text bore hallmarks of AI-generated prose”, according to the Guardian.
In 2023, German artist Boris Eldagsen sparked controversy when he revealed that his prize-winning photograph The Electrician was AI generated. In 2025, Tilly Norwood, the first fully AI-generated “actress” ignited debate around whether so-called synthetic actors were a tool for creative expression, or a threat to human creators.
In 2025, writers were “horrified” to discover that their work had been pirated by Meta to train AI systems.
If the question that underlies these examples is “what is the role of art”, this latest debacle adds “and what is the responsibility of the critic”?
Breaking a pact
Art criticism in Australia is what Howard describes as a “niche within a niche”. The sector is unbearably small, so most critics have an additional day job and are in close professional and personal proximity to the artists whose work they review.
Some critics of the critics, such as writer Gideon Haigh, have suggested this has led to a culture of what literary academic Emmett Stinson called “too-nice” criticism.
But I would argue generosity is fundamental to public-facing criticism – and that the critic reviewing in the public sphere has a responsibility to writers and readers.
The writer might safely assume that when we’re publishing a review that surmises their book’s successes and failings against its ambition, we have, at the very least, taken the time to read and carefully consider their work, and our own response to it.
This unspoken pact is broken when the writer begins to use AI – particularly when a professional reviewer like Preston seems to outsource his assessment to it.
Such fiascos point to a disturbing future where readers’ opportunities to build community and develop empathy through engagement with literature is outsourced entirely to AI.
Australian literature academic Julieanne Lamond has said “when we write reviews we have to do it ‘naked’ – as individual readers, with a public to judge our judgements”. In other words, we sit at the middle of a pact between the writer of a book and their potential readers.
Criticism can be literature
Done well, criticism is literature. As Australian author, playwright and critic Leslie Rees argued in 1946, good literary criticism is a “real and creative service to literature”.
Watching Over Her is at the centre of a controversy over the use of AI in writing a New York Times book review.
Popular criticism, written for the general public and published as journalism, might sit on a different playing field from scholarly criticism. But its obligation to readers – to convey real and honest opinions about books and bring readers into a conversation about literature – is no less significant. There is a shared obligation to be honest, and surely this honesty extends to a transparency about AI use.
French professor and essayist Phillipe Lejeune, best known for his work on autobiography, used the term the “autobiographical pact” to describe the relationship between the writer of a memoir and the reader. That is, the reader accepts what the memoirist says as truth, based on the writer’s acknowledgements of their own biases and subjectivity.
We might transfer a similar pact to the reviewer and their reader. Should the reader not be able to trust that the review they’re reading is the critic’s own?
Hannah Bowman, a literary agent from Liza Dawson Associates, recently described mistrust as the book industry’s greatest peril: “it’s essential for all parties in the publishing process to have transparency and clarity in conversations about how AI tools are being used by any party, especially in the creative process”.
In failing to disclose his use of AI, Preston has not only embarrassed himself, but broken the trust of his readers.
The bi-annual test of the two tsunami sirens at Ōrewa will take place on the last day of daylight saving on Sunday 5 April, 2026, at midday.
Adam Maggs, General Manager of Auckland Emergency Management reassures Ōrewa locals that the siren sound they’ll hear on 5 April is a test and no action is required from the public.
“We carry out tests each year on the sirens to ensure they are working properly. No action is required from the public and there’s no cause for alarm during the testing,” Mr Maggs says.
Located at Ōrewa beach, the sirens give a combination of alert sounds and voice instructions advising what actions residents should take in a real emergency. You can check and listen to the siren sound sample on the Auckland Emergency Management website.
Ōrewa is the only location in the Auckland region which has tsunami sirens following the decommissioning of sirens at other sites in December 2023 due to vandalism, theft and outdated technology, making them unreliable as part of our tsunami alerting system. The two sirens at Ōrewa (installed in 2020) are newer than the decommissioned sirens and haven’t suffered vandalism or thefts.
The test at Ōrewa is also a good prompt to remind all Aucklanders that there will be timely communication in the event of a tsunami threat.
“An Emergency Mobile Alert (EMA) is the primary way of alerting the public to a tsunami threat. An EMA will be broadcast to all capable mobile phones in the event of a tsunami threat. News media and social media channels will be used to alert Aucklanders as well,”Mr Maggs says.
What are the natural warning signs for tsunami?
If you are near the shore and experience any of the following, take action. Do not wait for official warnings.
Feel a strong earthquake that makes it hard to stand or a long earthquake that lasts more than a minute
See a sudden rise or fall in sea level
Hear loud or unusual noises from the sea.
Remember! If an earthquake is LONG or STRONG, GET GONE and move to higher ground.
Be prepared
Prepare your household emergency plan and practice it so everyone knows what to do in an emergency and what you need to take if you are evacuating.
Check out Auckland’s Hazard Viewer for updated tsunami evacuation maps.
Check the tsunami preparedness tips and what to do before, during and after a tsunami.
The Green Party has released data showing 9000 students across more than 70 schools and pre-schools faced unsafe drinking water in 2025, with water breaching safe Drinking Water Standards at some point during the year.
“No child should face a health risk from the water coming out of a drinking fountain at their school. The data paints a troubling picture of the state of drinking water in Aotearoa,” says Green Party Co-leader Marama Davidson.
“While many of these schools had treatment systems in place, for whatever reason the treatment has failed.”
“Drinking water standards set safe limits for things like bacteria, chemicals, and other contaminants in drinking water, which must be met at all points in a water system after treatment.”
“When a school’s water is found to be unsafe, drinking fountains are shut down, children are told to bring water bottles from home, and in serious cases schools may have to close. Children should be focused on learning not worrying about whether their water is safe.”
According to the Minister of Education, no additional treatment barriers were installed at any of the schools in 2025 and there is no estimate of the cost to bring drinking water treatment facilities at those schools where ‘do not drink’ notices were issued in 2025 up to a standard where water is safe and reliable.
“Schools should have all the resources they need to provide safe drinking water. Instead, the Government installed no new treatment systems at any of these schools in 2025 and cannot even tell us what it would cost to fix the problem.”
The data follows an earlier 2024 report by Taumata Arowai which found a “stubbornly high” 71 schools reported at least one incidence of E. coli in their drinking water that year, meaning faecal contamination was present.
“The data reinforces why the protection of drinking water at its source, in rivers, lakes, and groundwater, must be a priority.”
“Almost all New Zealanders get their drinking water from a river, lake, or underground aquifer. If we protect those sources from pollution, we can be far more confident that what comes out of the tap is safe, even when something goes wrong at a treatment plant.”
“Keeping source water clean also avoids the enormous cost of removing contaminants like nitrate and sediment, which are extremely difficult and expensive to treat, particularly for smaller towns and communities.”
Green Party environment spokesperson Lan Pham has called for the Government to learn the lessons of the Havelock North Drinking Water Inquiry.
“The Havelock North Drinking Water Inquiry was clear that source protection should be treated as a matter of national importance in resource management law,” said Pham.
“The Inquiry found that protecting the source of drinking water provides the first and most significant barrier against contamination and illness.”
“Despite those recommendations, the Government’s resource management overhaul only requires decision-makers to ‘have regard to’ effects on drinking water quality. That falls well short of what the Inquiry called for.”
“If this Government were serious about keeping our water safe, they would be enshrining source protection in law.”
In answers to written questions, the Minister of Education confirmed she was not aware of ‘Do Not Drink’ notices that had been issued at schools in 2025, had received no advice on water quality at the affected schools, had no estimate of the cost to fix the issue, and had not corresponded with the Ministers for Local Government or Health about the matter.
“The Minister is treating this as someone else’s problem. Parents sending their kids to school have a right to expect that the water is safe. They deserve a Government that takes that seriously,” says Davidson.
The bill amends the Sale and Supply of Alcohol Act to allow premises that are already open on Good Friday, Easter Sunday, Anzac Day morning, and Christmas Day to sell alcohol under normal licence conditions.
Bottle shops will still have to stay closed, and supermarket alcohol restrictions remain. The bill passed 66 votes to 56.
Two Mile Bay Sailing Club owner Torben Landl told Morning Report it was a fantastic result for the hospitality sector.
“It’s been pretty tough times out there and this is exactly what we need.”
He said Easter was a big weekend for hospitality and it would be great to be able to trade normally and capitalise on the long weekend.
He said the rules could be “problematic”.
“So a customer will turn up on Good Friday, they’ll order a couple of drinks, alcoholic drinks, and then our team will have to explain the liquor licence laws and […]usually that doesn’t go down very well with the majority of customers.”
He said workers were copping the brunt of it and the law change would make the rules less complicated.
Labour MP Kieran McAnulty, who put forward the bill, said it would also clear up the guesswork for hospitality staff in deciding what was a “substantial” meal to serve before someone could purchase alcohol, by removing the requirement entirely.
“What is even more ridiculous is that actually they’re not required to eat the meal. They’re only required to purchase it, and it can sit there while they drink, and it could also be argued that they can go and buy another substantial meal in order to keep drinking. That doesn’t make sense. This bill clears that up,” he said.
The ACT party voted as a bloc in support, while all New Zealand First and Green MPs opposed the bill.
MP Kahurangi Carter said the Greens had a long history of fighting for alcohol harm reduction laws, and believed the entire Sale and Supply of Alcohol Act needed to be overhauled.
New Zealand First MP David Wilson said he valued using those holidays for remembrance and reflection.
McAnulty told RNZ before the third reading, he was hopeful it could get Royal Assent on Thursday, so it could be law before the long weekend.
– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
