Police are appealing for witnesses of an assault in Nelson earlier this month, to come forward.
On Saturday 10 January, Police received a report that a person had been assaulted the night before [Friday 9 January], around 11pm, on Collingwood Street.
The victim sustained serious injuries and is understandably very shaken by the incident.
Police are wanting to speak with a man and a woman who potentially witnessed the assault and tried to help the victim.
If this was you, or if you have any information that can assist Police in our enquiries, please contact 105, either online or over the phone, and reference file number 260110/8205.
Search efforts are ongoing across the Bay of Plenty as emergency services work to rescue people in slips the region.
Bay of Plenty District Commander, Superintendent Tim Anderson says two rescue operations are concurrently running at Mount Maunganui and Welcome Bay Road.
“Police, alongside Fire and Emergency New Zealand are working to locate and rescue people trapped in a landslide that came down off Mount Maunganui at 9:30am today.
“Work is also continuing to locate two people that are unaccounted for after a slip came down towards properties on Welcome Bay Road overnight.”
Members of the Mount Maunganui campsite have been evacuated and directed to the nearby Surf Club.
Police are urging members of the public to avoid the Mount to allow emergency services to have the space to work safely.
“The last thing we need is rubberneckers in the area.”
A number of roads around the Bay of Plenty remain closed, people are advised to not travel unless it is absolutely necessary to.
Superintendent Anderson commends the bravery shown by staff responding to these events described as ‘one in 100 years events.’
“We have already seen countless examples over the last 24 hours of Police staff putting their lives at risk to protect members of the public through evacuations.
“A number of additional staff were rostered to work overnight to assist with evacuations and our emergency response.
“This community is a very tight-knit community, and now more than ever, we need to band together to support one another.
“Police are offering ongoing support to those impacted by the weather, and will continue to provide necessary support for the community.”
We’re asking people to reach out to anyone they know in the Bay of Plenty to ensure they are safe and well.
If you cannot get hold of somebody, or are worried about them, you can contact Police via 105, either over the phone or online at 105.police.govt.nz
You can also visit the Police website here to make a report if you cannot get hold of somebody, or report yourself safe if you are in an impacted area.
If you or anybody else is in a life-threatening situation, please call 111.
Update: 22 January 2026 – Consultation opens on South Island speed limit changes
Public consultation is now open on proposed speed limit changes on sections of state highways in Canterbury, Southland and on the West Coast (see more in the December release below).
From today, people can view the various proposals and have their say in short surveys here:
We encourage all those with an interest in these speed limits to have their say.
19 December 2025 – Speed limit changes proposed
Targeted speed limit changes are being proposed on state highways across the South Island after community concerns were raised about safety.
Next month, New Zealand Transport Agency Waka Kotahi (NZTA) will open public consultations for people to have their say on these proposed changes in Canterbury, on the West Coast and in Southland.
The proposed speed limit changes include the following:
State Highway 1 (SH1) at both ends of Temuka, South Canterbury – northern section 70km/h to 50km/h, southern section 80km/h to 60km/h.
SH1 south of Amberley (North Canterbury) – 80km/h to 60km/h.
SH1 south of Rolleston (near Christchurch) – 100km/h to 80km/h.
SH75 north of Halswell (Christchurch) – 60km/h to 50km/h.
SH73 Kirwee and Sheffield (Central Canterbury) – 70km/h to 50km/h.
SH67 and SH67A Westport south including Buller Bridge (West Coast) – 100km/h to 60km/h.
SH7 at Blacks Point (West Coast) – 70km/h to 60km/h.
Introduction of Intersection Speed Zones* on SH1 at Norwood and SH73 at Waddington (Central Canterbury), and SH6 at Five Rivers (Southland) – 100km/h to 100/60km/h variable.
*Intersection Speed Zones (ISZs) feature electronic signage thattemporarily lower the speed limit when a vehicle approaches to turn from or onto a side road.
“These proposed changes are highly targeted, covering just 12 kilometres of the South Island’s 5000km state highway network, but they will make a real difference where it matters most,” says NZTA director of regional relationships for the central and lower South Island, James Caygill.
“We’re focused on saving lives and reducing serious injuries without adding unnecessary delays for drivers.”
Each proposal meets the requirements of the Government’s Setting of Speed Limits Rule 2024, which mandates six weeks of public consultation before decisions are finalised. New limits will become legally enforceable once signs are installed and uncovered.
NZTA’s targeted approach to state highway speed management under the 2024 Rule prioritises:
Schools Variable Speed Limits (VSLs)
ISZs for high-risk rural intersections
Speed changes and new speed limits needed for projects and seasonal speed limits
A small number of community requests that meet strict criteria.
Visit below for more information, including how to suggest a speed change. This website will be updated with full consultation details and feedback options for the proposed changes above, in late January 2026.
Police have arrested 18 people as part of Operation Thor, a targeted operation focused on burglary, theft, vehicle crime, firearms offending and drug activity in the Feilding area.
Over the last two months, Police have carried out a series of search warrants and enquiries and as a result, several arrests have been made, stolen property recovered as well as firearms, ammunition and drugs seized.
The operation, led by Sergeant Mike Linton, was launched in response to a rise in offending and information from the community about repeat criminal behaviour across the Feilding area.
Sergeant Linton says Operation Thor is about preventing harm and targeting those causing harm in our town and wider community.
“Our focus as a team is on identifying offenders who are driving crime in Feilding and disrupting that behaviour,” he says.
“This operation shows what can be achieved when crime is reported and Police work closely with the community. This is just the beginning, and we will continue to target and focus on those causing harm and offending here.”
Several male and females aged between 18-30 are facing a range of charges including burglary, theft, unlawful possession of firearms, possession of drugs and further charges are likely as enquiries continue.”
Police will continue working on Operation Thor and hold those to account who offend in our community.
Police encourage anyone with information about crime in their area to contact Police on 105 or report anonymously via Crime Stoppers on 0800 555 111.
DOC manages dozens of popular visitor sites across the Coromandel Peninsula, including numerous campsites, tracks and the world-renowned Mautohe Cathedral Cove.
It is unclear what impact this week’s weather event has had on DOC’s sites, and with significant transport network issues DOC staff have not been able to carry out inspections to determine the scale of damage.
DOC’s Coromandel Operations Manager Nick Kelly says the idyllic north Coromandel campsites at Port Jackson, Stony Bay, Fantail Bay, Fletcher Bay and Waikawau have been closed immediately until assessments can be carried out.
“Customers with bookings for those four sites will be refunded or rebooked,” Nick says.
“Kauaeranga, Broken Hills and Wentworth campsites and the Pinnacles Hut in southern Coromandel are also closed for tonight (22 January) and will be reassessed in the morning. Bookings for the hut for 22 January are being refunded or rebooked.”
DOC staff instructed visitors at Pinnacles Hut and Kauaeranga Valley to self-evacuate on Wednesday 21 January. The track to Pinnacles Hut will need to be assessed by DOC staff before the hut is reopened.
Nick acknowledges the decision to cancel bookings and close the campsites will disappoint and frustrate some customers, but it is the right thing to do as Coromandel response services and national agencies work on the clean-up.
The popular track to Mautohe Cathedral Cove was closed on Tuesday and will not reopen for Auckland Anniversary Weekend as DOC staff cannot safely access it to undertake inspections. Visitors should not use the track.
Nick says Mautohe Cathedral Cove’s geology means slips, landslides and rockfall can occur several days after a rain event – a risk DOC must manage to ensure visitor safety.
Although other DOC tracks across Coromandel are not formally closed, anyone planning a walk on a track should be alert to the possibility of landslides, washouts, or downed trees. Damage should be reported to DOC via 0800 DOC HOT (0800 362 468).
“The scale of damage across DOC’s wider network of tracks in Coromandel remains unknown,” Nick says. “We will likely need several days to undertake inspections, assess, and plan for any repairs needed.”
People visiting DOC sites are urged to exercise caution and reconsider their plans given the Peninsula has been saturated by rain and will need several days to clean up.
Visitors should check the DOC website for alerts on tracks or facilities – these alerts will publicise closures as needed following inspections. People are also urged to check websites and social media channels for Thames Coromandel District Council, Hauraki District Council and NZTA.
NATURE LOOKS DIFFERENT FROM HERE
Nature isn’t scenery. Nature is a society that we rely on for everything, every day. It’s behind our identity and our way of life.
Pharmac is proposing to fund new treatment options for people living with cystic fibrosis with eligible mutations, including young children, from 1 April 2026.
The proposal includes:
widening access to Trikafta (elexacaftor/tezacaftor/ivacaftor) and Kalydeco (ivacaftor) for all people with eligible mutations,
funding a new treatment, Alyftrek (vanzacaftor/tezacaftor/deutivacaftor).
Around 35 people are expected to benefit in the first year, increasing to 47 people after five years.
“Trikafta has already changed the lives of hundreds of New Zealanders with cystic fibrosis,” says Pharmac’s Director Pharmaceuticals, Adrienne Martin.
“Since we funded it in 2023 for people aged 6 years and above, over 400 people have benefitted. We are now proposing to fund Trikafta for more people so it can be used as soon as clinically appropriate, regardless of age.”
Cystic fibrosis is a long‑term condition that affects around 500 New Zealanders, including children. There is no cure, and people with the condition often have shorter lives.
“Cystic fibrosis starts causing harm very early in life. Funding these medicines for all age groups would help more young children with Cystic fibrosis live longer, healthier lives,” says Martin. “It would also mean children could begin treatment as soon as clinically appropriate, giving families greater peace of mind.”
Currently, Trikafta has Medsafe regulatory approval for use in people aged two years and older, and Alyftrek for children aged six and older.
“Funding these treatments would also benefit the health system,” says Martin. “People wouldn’t need to visit the hospital as often and they’d need less treatment.”
Pharmac is seeking feedback on the proposal from people with cystic fibrosis, their whānau, healthcare professionals, advocacy groups, and other interested people.
“Your feedback will help us make sure the proposal is workable, and improves access to treatment,” says Martin.
Consultation closes at 5pm, Wednesday 11 February 2026. Feedback can be submitted through the online form. All feedback received before the closing date will be considered before a decision is made.
All three medicines are CFTR modulators. CFTR (cystic fibrosis transmembrane conductance regulator) proteins play a key role in cystic fibrosis. For people with cystic fibrosis, these proteins do not work as well as they should, causing thick, sticky mucus to build up in the body.
These medicines work by helping the faulty CFTR protein function more normally, which makes the mucus thinner and less sticky. This helps reduce the damage caused by cystic fibrosis and improves overall health.
Trikafta combines three active ingredients (elexacaftor, tezacaftor, ivacaftor) to target the underlying cause of cystic fibrosis. It improves lung function, helps people gain weight, and reduces the risk of hospitalisation.
Kalydeco (ivacaftor) works for people with specific mutations by improving how the CFTR protein functions, helping to clear mucus and reduce symptoms.
Alyftrek (vanzacaftor/tezacaftor/deutivacaftor) is a newer CFTR modulator that works in a similar way to Trikafta, helping people with eligible mutations who may not respond to other treatments.
These medicines do not cure cystic fibrosis, but they treat the underlying cause and can help people live longer, healthier lives.
Attributable to Inspector Simon De Wit, Acting Wairarapa Area Commander:
Police will maintain a highly visible presence in Masterton on Friday in response to a gang-related funeral scheduled to occur in the area.
We anticipate an influx of gang members travelling into Masterton from across the Wairarapa and other regions to attend the event.
Police have been clear in communicating expectations, ensuring there is no threatening or intimidating behaviour, and that gang insignia is not worn or displayed in any public place in breach of current legislation.
Officers will be actively monitoring the situation and will respond swiftly to any issues that arise. Any reports of unlawful behaviour will be dealt with appropriately.
We encourage anyone who witnesses illegal activity to contact Police immediately on 111. Non urgent matters can be reported via 105, either online or by phone.
Associate Health Minister David Seymour welcomes public consultation on Pharmac’s proposal to fund Trikafta and Alyftrek for children with cystic fibrosis, regardless of their age.
Pharmac’s proposal, if feedback is positive, will be effective from 1 April 2026.
The proposal includes:
funding access to Trikafta for all children with eligible diagnosis (currently only funded for children 6 years and older)
funding access to Kalydeco for everyone with eligible diagnosis
funding access to a new treatment, Alyftrek
“Pharmac is now consulting the public on this proposal. It includes funding Trikafta and Alyftrek for children of all ages with cystic fibrosis. The proposal has had significant support from the cystic fibrosis community, so we are expecting positive feedback,” Mr Seymour says.
“Trikafta and Alyftrek would be funded for all age groups. Doctors would be able to use their clinical judgement to prescribe either of these medicines to any patient who would benefit.
“These treatments are lifechanging for Kiwis living with cystic fibrosis and their families. If approved, this proposal would give children access to these lifechanging treatments as soon as clinically appropriate. Cystic fibrosis can cause harm very early in life, so waiting to meet age-based eligibility criteria is not an option.
“In 2023 Pharmac funded Trikafta for children with cystic fibrosis who were 6 years or older in 2023. This left out children under 6 years old with cystic fibrosis. Parents had to choose; wait until children were old enough, pay hundreds of thousands of dollars per year for treatment privately, or move overseas.
“This has been made possible through Pharmac’s commitment to working with the cystic fibrosis community. It is a great example of what is possible when Pharmac works alongside patients.
“We’re making the system work better for the people it serves. When people can access their medicines easily, they stay healthier for longer. It also reduces pressure on other parts of the health system.
“Now Pharmac wants to hear from people with cystic fibrosis, their family, healthcare professionals, advocacy groups, and other interested people.”
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on January 24, 2026.
‘Thank God’ – parents of PNG conjoined twins grateful they defied medical advice By Margot Staunton, RNZ Pacific senior journalist The parents of rare conjoined twins say doctors in Papua New Guinea told them to take the boys home as they were beyond hope. “Thank God we [defied them] and we are where we are,” the boys’ dad Kevin Mitiam, who is also a twin, said in Tok
Federal government’s crackdown on free speech affects all Australians ANALYSIS: By Paul Gregoire Australia’s two federal combating antisemitism bills, the New South Wales laws providing the means to shutdown street protests and move on stationary public assemblies, along with the envoy’s plan to combat antisemitism and the Royal Commission into the same prejudice, have all been set in place following two ISIS-fuelled killers murdering
OpenAI will put ads in ChatGPT. This opens a new door for dangerous influence Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Raffaele F Ciriello, Senior Lecturer in Business Information Systems, University of Sydney OpenAI, The Conversation OpenAI has announced plans to introduce advertising in ChatGPT in the United States. Ads will appear on the free version and the low-cost Go tier, but not for Pro, Business, or Enterprise
The Mount Maunganui tragedy reminds us landslides are NZ’s deadliest natural hazard Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Brook, Professor of Applied Geology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau Getty Images The tragic events in the Bay of Plenty this week are a stark reminder that landslides remain the deadliest of the many natural hazards New Zealand faces. On Thursday morning, a large landslide
Tokelau airport project scrapped despite multi-million dollar design By Kaya Selby, RNZ Pacific journalist New Zealand has scrapped a project to build an airport in Tokelau after sinking NZ$3 million into the design phase. A spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade told RNZ Pacific that the Tokelau government had been advised of their decision. Tokelau is completely inaccessible by plane,
The parents of rare conjoined twins say doctors in Papua New Guinea told them to take the boys home as they were beyond hope.
“Thank God we [defied them] and we are where we are,” the boys’ dad Kevin Mitiam, who is also a twin, said in Tok Pisin.
Tom and Sawong — who were fused at the lower abdomen — had unplanned emergency surgery to divide them at Sydney Children’s Hospital on December 7.
The surgery was brought forward as Tom, the weaker twin, was deteriorating rapidly. A large multi-disciplinary team took seven hours to separate the boys but Tom died soon after he was detached from his brother.
The team spent a further five hours working on Sawong, who is doing well and could return home by the end of February.
“The Port Moresby General Hospital paediatrician team told us [twice] to go back home, that there was no hope for them,” their mum Fetima said in Tok Pisin.
“We were even told not to trust Jurgen Ruh [the family’s spokesperson] because they said he was giving us false hope.
“I am happy and I laugh when I see my baby Sawong and think about that advice,” she said.
“I am full of hope, I cuddle him and talk to him every day, as he grows.”
Hospital response RNZ Pacific has asked Port Moresby General Hospital for a response.
The two-month-olds were medivacced from Port Moresby to Sydney on December 4, following medical advice that they undergo urgent surgery.
The move followed weeks of tense wrangling over the viability of separating them, which country would accept the case and perform the operation, and how it would be financed.
The boys shared a liver, bladder and parts of their gastrointestinal tract, but had their owns limbs and genitals.
They also had partial spina bifida — a neural tube defect that affects the development of a newborn’s spine and spinal cord. Tom also had a congenital heart defect, one kidney and malformed lungs.
Doctors at Port Moresby General Hospital initially explored the possibility of transferring the twins to Sydney, but the plans fell through when funding from a charity was pulled.
The hospital later made a u-turn and advised the couple to stay in PNG or face the death of either one or both of the boys.
Final decision The Medical Director, Dr Kone Sobi, said previously that multiple discussions led to their final decision, and added: “The underlying thing is that both twins present with significant congenital anomalies and we feel that even with care and treatment in a highly specialised unit, the chances of survival are very very slim.
“In fact the prognosis is extremely bad and the twin’s future is unpredictable.”
Manolos Aviation pilot Jurgen Ruh with Sawong at Sydney Children’s Hospital. Ruh flew Sawong and his conjoined twin Tom to Port Moresby General Hospital from their home in remote Morobe Province after they were born. Image: Jurgen Ruh/Manolo Aviation/RNZ
Ruh told RNZ Pacific on Thursday that although Sawong remained in intensive care, monitored constantly by a specialist nurse, he was “strong and doing well”.
He was no longer on a ventilator, did not need supplementary oxygen and was gaining about 50 grams a day in weight, he said.
“The hose fitting on his nose is simply to monitor his breathing and to assist a little with extra pressure in his lungs.
“Doctors have now closed up a hole in his stomach with stretched skin and he is improving every day, but it will be another month or so before he is released, possibly by the end of February.
“Occasionally Sawong gives the biggest smile on earth; he is just happy with what he has.”
100 days old The hospital recently celebrated Sawong reaching 100 days old with a simple but touching celebration.
“It threw a little party for Sawong, his parents and all the staff who have been part of his journey. Fetima cut a frozen cheesecake on his behalf,” Ruh said.
A massive funeral for Tom was held a month ago at the Mega Church in Hillsong, Sydney.
The family are expected to scatter his ashes after they return home to their remote village in PNG’s Morobe Province.
While the complex surgery was a success, the results were bittersweet for the parents.
“I thought it was amazing, after the surgery a nurse gave Tom to them and they spent hours just cuddling him,” Ruh previously told RNZ Pacific.
The parents had been through a “rollercoaster” of emotions since the twins were born on October 9.
“They had accepted that they would lose Tom and there’s been many tears shed along the way,” he said previously.
Funding search Ruh said last month that at one stage during negotiations the Sydney Children’s Hospital requested A$2 million to do the operation, but funds and guarantees could not be found.
RNZ Pacific understands that the parents had approached the PNG government for funding, but Ruh would not confirm this.
The ABC had reported that the hospital had asked for payment before the twins were transferred from PNG; however Ruh said as far as he knew no money had changed hands.
When asked how it was financed he said: “It’s a mixture of funding which took too long to organise.
“It should never have taken eight weeks to get the twins separated, it should have happened in eight days, but no referral pathway [to a foreign hospital] exists,” Ruh said.
He laid the blame on the PNG health system, and said babies born prematurely or with birth defects were lost in the system.
“It was a very disappointing ride we had, in terms of overall support from Port Moresby General Hospital. Then there were delays in getting them to Australia.
“We were exploring faster options, but we did not have any support.”
Private hospital The boys were eventually moved from the public hospital to Paradise Private Hospital in Port Moresby, which provided them with free care.
The family felt the twins would be “safer” and have less chance of cross-infection from other babies, particularly of malaria.
A multi-disciplinary team from Sydney Children’s Hospital flew to Port Moresby on November 21 to assess the twins, amid growing public pressure in Australia and PNG.
At that point the boys only had a combined weight of 2.9kg, and Tom was relying on Sawong to keep him alive.
Sawong (left) and Tom while they were being treated in Port Moresby General Hospital’s neonatal unit last year. Image: Port Moresby General Hospital/RNZ
In a letter to doctors in PNG, the Sydney team said surgery was in fact feasible although Tom was not expected to survive it.
“The reason for the early separation is that Sawong is working hard to support Tom,” the letter said.
Urgent transfer The team had recommended the twins be urgently transferred in a specialised aircraft with intensive care facilities plus medical and nursing personnel.
The boys underwent multiple investigations at Sydney Children’s Hospital, including an MRI and CT scan to define their anatomy and vascular supply.
“Before the surgery, the medical team [in Sydney] said it was a miracle that Tom had survived for two months,” Ruh said previously.
A huge team including liver surgeons, colorectal surgeons and urologists, specialised cardiac anaesthetists, cardiologists, neonatologists and interventional radiologists were involved in the surgery, supported by a large team of nursing and allied staff.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Australia’s two federal combating antisemitism bills, the New South Wales laws providing the means to shutdown street protests and move on stationary public assemblies, along with the envoy’s plan to combat antisemitism and the Royal Commission into the same prejudice, have all been set in place following two ISIS-fuelled killers murdering 15 people at Bondi Beach six weeks ago.
While some of these measures were drafted in a hurry immediately post-Bondi in a theatrical attempt to prevent what had already occurred, much of the “combating antisemitism” smorgasbord of laws that serve to clamp down on free speech and the right to political communication in general, appear to have been waiting in the wings for the right political moment to enact.
These dramatic changes that have been foisted upon the country’s public square have been central to a broad campaign that the Zionist lobby has been progressing both locally and throughout the Western world, which is difficult to pin down as most of this advocating takes place behind closed doors, while when featured in the media, these positions are increasingly reflected as the norm.
A key outcome of the doctrine of Zionism is the displacement and genociding of Palestinians. And it is these truths, and the fact that the Gaza genocide is in progress, that make it necessary to progress the lobby’s agenda right now.
But while the Albanese government is implementing the envoy’s plan and a Royal Commission into antisemitism, which both include a definition of antisemitism that serves to block criticism of Israel at the behest of the lobby, the scope of the federal hate laws further reveal desperate Labor and Liberal parties attempting to shore up power in the face of a drastically shifting political climate.
McCarthyite Zionism While the Israel lobby has long been understood to have an excessive influence upon the US political establishment, the sway of the Zionist lobby in Australia had not been common knowledge among the broader public until Gaza, as over the past 26 months of the mass slaughter and starvation programme, the lobby’s propaganda machine has been actioned in an attempt to hide this.
As the internet filled with footage of Israeli state actors perpetrating horrific acts in the Gaza Strip in late 2023, the Australian public sphere became a place to attack constituents for speaking out about this worst atrocity since the genociding of Jewish people during the Second World War, and the key way to silence these critics was to charge them with antisemitism — the hate that stoked the Holocaust.
The central target of the local Zionist lobby has been the Palestine solidarity movement, which has been a loud secular voice sprung from a diverse constituency.
Yet, federal and state Labor leaders have been labelling these people, who have been calling for an end to the practice of exterminating humans to obtain land, as outright antisemites and further implied they’re somewhat terroristic.
According to US professors Noam Chomsky and Judith Butler, the Israeli state and the Zionist lobby commenced framing criticism of Israel as antisemitic in the late 1960s.
This idea is predicated upon Israel being a Jewish state. It denies the fact that many Jewish people globally don’t adhere to the doctrine of Zionism. And it rests on a flimsy link that only holds because of the force of the lobbyists.
This had appeared to be spurred by the moral panic around antisemitism, however it has since come to light that the envoy programme exists across the Western world, with the first US envoy appointed in 2004.
At its heart, the plan inserts the IHRA definition of antisemitism that blocks criticism of Israel into every level of Australian government and all its institutions. Further aspects involve the monitoring of tertiary institutions and the media for antisemitism or rather, anti-Israel sentiment.
The IHRA working definition of antisemitism comprises of two lines and 11 examples of hatred towards Jewish people, seven of which involve criticising Israel.
The body that produced it has never officially adopted it. However, as one of its drafters has been warning over the past decade, the Zionist lobby has been weaponising the definition to silence anti-Israel criticism globally.
The determination to hold a Royal Commission into Antisemitism and Social Cohesion is the result of an all-pervasive campaign to see it established post-Bondi massacre, with the suggested reason being to understand how such a terrorist action was able to come to fruition.
Further moral panic However, the criminal case against one shooter rules this out, so the inquiry will likely serve to stoke further moral panic.
So, the blanket ban on protests, or the public assembly restriction declaration regime rolled out post-Bondi, can be understood as not only placating the Zionist lobby, via the silencing of Palestine solidarity rallies on Gadigal land in the Sydney CBD, but it’s also as a continuation of the closing of the public sphere.
The 50 pages of hate crime laws the Albanese government whipped out of its back pocket last week, appeared so broad that the suggestion is the measures were in the works long before the antisemitic attack in Bondi on 14 December 2025.
ASIO boss Mike Burgess hinted at a need for these last year, so as to stamp out groups, like the neo-Nazi National Socialist Network and Islamic group Hitz ut Tahrir, as they had both been understood to be hovering just beneath the threshold of criminal activity.
But further, these laws sitting on the books could likely be used by a future “true blue” führer, so that their opposition can be eradicated on taking office.
The fallacy of necessitated free speech denial NSW premier Chris Minns’ favoured mantra over the period of the Gaza genocide — or the rise in antisemitism in Australia if one is being “politically correct” — has been along the lines of “the reason NSW does not have free speech protections like they do in the United States, is that this state has a multicultural society and therefore, divergent voices must be tempered”. Yet, this is a lie.
During the 1890s drafting of the Australian Constitution, those involved determined not to enshrine rights in the founding document, as it might result in discriminatory laws already on the books that specifically applied to First Nations people and Chinese people becoming invalid, former High Court Justice Micheal Kirby has noted on occasion.
The premier is not only progressing this line when the moral panic around antisemitism is in full flight, but he is also suggesting that the right to free speech should not be protected in NSW, over and over again, after NSW MP Jenny Leong introduced the Human Rights Bill 2025 last October, which seeks to protect free speech, or “freedom of opinion and expression”, among other rights.
The failure to protect free speech in this country was initially about maintaining power when attempting to establish an ethnostate. But the ongoing denial of rights protections since Australia embraced multiculturalism commencing in the 1970s, has really been about politicians maintaining power, and not an attempt to save various ethnic groups living here from annihilating each other.
The idea progressed by Minns is that the broad free speech protections in the United States, which are contained in the First Amendment of the US Constitution, would be a problem in our community because it is multicultural.
However, while the US has traditionally been understood to have been a melting pot of different ethnicities, what is operating as societies in both countries today are based upon multiethnicities, and they’re pretty much the same.
The progression of the “combating antisemitism” laws and policies right now is all about placating the Zionist lobby, while Israel takes as many pounds of flesh as it desires upon occupied Palestinian territory, in order to prevent the ongoing mass civil society outcry over this ethnic cleansing, the mass starvation and mass murder, along with the genocidal tactics that are ongoing in the Gaza Strip.
Yet, the federal listing of prohibited hate group regime also provides the ability to the major parties to criminalise their political opponents as hate groups — think, the Greens — at a point in time when the long-term capture of holding government office by the majors is now under threat.
OpenAI has announced plans to introduce advertising in ChatGPT in the United States. Ads will appear on the free version and the low-cost Go tier, but not for Pro, Business, or Enterprise subscribers.
The company says ads will be clearly separated from chatbot responses and will not influence outputs. It has also pledged not to sell user conversations, to let users turn off personalised ads, and to avoid ads for users under 18 or around sensitive topics such as health and politics.
Still, the move has raised concerns among some users. The key question is whether OpenAI’s voluntary safeguards will hold once advertising becomes central to its business.
Why ads in AI were always likely
We’ve seen this before. Fifteen years ago, social media platforms struggled to turn vast audiences into profit.
The breakthrough came with targeted advertising: tailoring ads to what users search for, click on, and pay attention to. This model became the dominant revenue source for Google and Facebook, reshaping their services so they maximised user engagement.
Large-scale artificial intelligence (AI) is extremely expensive. Training and running advanced models requires vast data centres, specialised chips, and constant engineering. Despite rapid user growth, many AI firms still operate at a loss. OpenAI alone expects to burn US$115 billion over the next five years.
Only a few companies can absorb these costs. For most AI providers, a scalable revenue model is urgent and targeted advertising is the obvious answer. It remains the most reliable way to profit from large audiences.
What history teaches us about OpenAI’s promises
OpenAI says it will keep ads separate from answers and protect user privacy. These assurances may sound comforting, but, for now, they rest on vague and easily reinterpreted commitments.
The company proposes not to show ads “near sensitive or regulated topics like health, mental health or politics”, yet offers little clarity about what counts as “sensitive,” how broadly “health” will be defined, or who decides where the boundaries lie.
Most real-world conversations with AI will sit outside these narrow categories. So far OpenAI has not provided any details on which advertising categories will be included or excluded. However, if no restrictions were placed on the content of the ads, it’s easy to picture that a user asking “how to wind down after a stressful day” might be shown alcohol delivery ads. A query about “fun weekend ideas” could surface gambling promotions.
These products are linked to recognised health and social harms. Placed beside personalised guidance at the moment of decision-making, such ads can steer behaviour in subtle but powerful ways, even when no explicit health issue is discussed.
Similar promises about guardrails marked the early years of social media. History shows how self-regulation weakens under commercial pressure, ultimately benefiting companies while leaving users exposed to harm.
Advertising incentives have a long record of undermining the public interest. The Cambridge Analytica scandal exposed how personal data collected for ads could be repurposed for political influence. The “Facebook files” revealed that Meta knew its platforms were causing serious harms, including to teenage mental health, but resisted changes that threatened advertising revenue.
More recent investigations show Meta continues to generate revenue from scam and fraudulent ads even after being warned about their harms.
Why chatbots raise the stakes
Chatbots are not merely another social media feed. People use them in intimate, personal ways for advice, emotional support and private reflection. These interactions feel discreet and non-judgmental, and often prompt disclosures people would not make publicly.
That trust amplifies persuasion in ways social media does not. People seek help and make decisions when they consult chatbots. Even with formal separation from responses, ads appear in a private, conversational setting rather than a public feed.
Messages placed beside personalised guidance – about products, lifestyle choices, finances or politics – are likely to be more influential than the same ads seen while browsing.
As OpenAI positions ChatGPT as a “super assistant” for everything from finances to health, the line between advice and persuasion blurs.
For scammers and autocrats, the appeal of a more powerful propaganda tool is clear. For AI providers, the financial incentives to accommodate them will be hard to resist.
The root problem is a structural conflict of interest. Advertising models reward platforms for maximising engagement, yet the content that best sustains attention is often misleading, emotionally charged or harmful to health.
This is why voluntary restraint by online platforms has repeatedly failed.
Is there a better way forward?
One option is to treat AI as digital public infrastructure: these are essential systems designed to serve the public rather than maximise advertising revenue.
This need not exclude private firms. It requires at least one high-quality public option, democratically overseen – akin to public broadcasters alongside commercial media.
Elements of this model already exist. Switzerland developed the publicly funded AI system Apertus through its universities and national supercomputing centre. It is open source, compliant with European AI law, and free from advertising.
Australia could go further. Alongside building our own AI tools, regulators could impose clear rules on commercial providers: mandating transparency, banning health-harming or political advertising, and enforcing penalties – including shutdowns – for serious breaches.
Advertising did not corrupt social media overnight. It slowly changed incentives until public harm became the collateral damage of private profit. Bringing it into conversational AI risks repeating the mistake, this time in systems people trust far more deeply.
The key question is not technical but political: should AI serve the public, or advertisers and investors?
Raffaele F Ciriello is a voluntary, temporary member of the eSafety Commissioner’s Parent Advisory Group, advising on caregiver and youth responses to Australia’s Social Media Minimum Age laws. This article draws on his independent research.
Kathryn Backholer is Vice President (Policy) at the Public Health Association of Australia. She receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Australian Research Council, UNICEF, The Ian Potter Foundation, The National Heart Foundation, VicHealth, the Foundation for Alcohol Research and Education, QUIT, the .auDA Foundation and the Victorian Department of Justice and Community Safety for work related to the health-harms of online advertising.
The tragic events in the Bay of Plenty this week are a stark reminder that landslides remain the deadliest of the many natural hazards New Zealand faces.
On Thursday morning, a large landslide swept through the Mount Maunganui Beachside Holiday Park at the base of Mauao, triggering a major rescue and recovery operation that will continue through the weekend.
Hours earlier, two people were killed when a separate landslide struck a home in the Tauranga suburb of Welcome Bay. As of Friday evening, six people remain missing at Mount Maunganui.
These events occurred at the tail end of a weak La Niña cycle, which typically brings wetter conditions to northern New Zealand. At the same time, unusually warm sea-surface temperatures have been loading the atmosphere with extra moisture, helping to fuel heavier downpours.
In parts of northern New Zealand, more than 200 millimetres of rain fell within 24 hours in the lead-up to last week’s events – well above the typical thresholds known to trigger landslides.
Regions such as the Bay of Plenty, Coromandel, Northland and Tairāwhiti are especially vulnerable to intense rainfall, which weakens surface soils and the highly weathered rock beneath them, allowing shallow landslides to detach and flow downslope.
Most landslides in New Zealand are triggered by heavy rainfall, through a complex interplay of intrinsic factors – such as slope angle, soil and rock strength, and vegetation cover – and extrinsic factors, including rainfall intensity and how wet the ground already is from prior rainfall when a storm arrives.
Much of this risk is invisible, accumulating quietly beneath the surface until a sudden collapse occurs.
This helps explain why landslides have long proved so dangerous. Since written records began in 1843, they have been responsible for more deaths than earthquakes and volcanic eruptions combined.
Much of New Zealand’s steep, geologically young landscape is pockmarked by the evidence of millions of past landslides, most occurring on pasture and remote areas, far from people.
When landscapes tell a story
At Mount Maunganui, the shape of the land itself tells a story. The surrounding hill slopes are riddled with the scars of past landslides, revealing a landscape that has been repeatedly reshaped by slope failure over time.
New high-resolution mapping now allows scientists to see this in unprecedented detail. A 2024 LiDAR-derived digital elevation model, which effectively strips away vegetation to reveal the bare land surface, shows numerous landslide features across the slopes.
Many cluster along the coastal cliffs, but two particularly large ancient landslides can be seen directly above the holiday park.
A high-resolution elevation map of Mauao and surrounding land at Mount Maunganui, drawn from Land Information New Zealand data, showing landslide features. Two ancient landslides, or paleolandslides, above the campground site are labelled L1 and L2. Author provided, CC BY-NC-ND
These older slips left behind prominent head scarps – steep, crescent-shaped breaks in the hillside – indicating where large volumes of material once detached and flowed downslope onto flatter ground below.
Subsurface evidence reinforces this picture. A geotechnical investigation carried out in 2000, near the northern end of the campground’s toilet block, found a 0.7 metre layer of colluvium – loose debris deposited by earlier landslides and erosion – buried beneath the surface.
In other words, the site itself sits atop the remnants of past slope failures.
This image provides two views of the slopes above the campground at Mauao (Mount Maunganui). On the left (A) is a 2023 aerial photo showing the steep hillside and the location of earlier ground testing. On the right (B) is a detailed elevation map revealing two ancient landslides (L1 and L2) hidden in the landscape. The star marks the approximate starting point of the January 22 landslide. Author provided, CC BY-NC-ND
The January 22 landslide appears to have initiated in the narrow zone between the two earlier slips. This is a particularly vulnerable position: when neighbouring landslides occur, the remaining wedge of land between them can lose lateral support, becoming unstable, like a rocky headland jutting out from a cliff face.
Over long timescales, this kind of progressive slope collapse is a normal part of landscape evolution. But when it unfolds in populated areas, it can turn an ancient geological process into a human disaster.
From prediction to prevention
Predicting how far a landslide will travel, and which areas it might inundate, is critically important – but it remains an inexact science.
At its simplest, this can involve rough rules of thumb that estimate how far a landslide is likely to run based on slope height and angle. More sophisticated approaches use advanced computer models, such as Rapid Mass Movement Simulation (RAMMS) which simulate how landslide material might flow across the landscape.
These models were used, for example, to assess landslide risk at Muriwai, Auckland, following Cyclone Gabrielle.
By adjusting inputs such as rainfall intensity and soil properties, scientists can explore a range of possible scenarios, generating estimates of how far future landslides could travel, how deep the debris might be, and which properties could be affected.
The results can then be translated into landslide hazard maps, showing areas of higher and lower risk under different rainfall conditions. These maps are not predictions of exactly what will happen, but they provide crucial guidance for land-use planning, emergency management and public awareness.
New Zealand has made major progress in mapping floodplains, and most councils now provide publicly accessible flood hazard maps that influence building rules and help communities understand their exposure.
In the future, developing similarly detailed and widely available maps for landslide hazards would be a logical – potentially life-saving – next step.
Martin Brook receives funding from the Natural Hazards Commission Toka Tu Ake.
New Zealand has scrapped a project to build an airport in Tokelau after sinking NZ$3 million into the design phase.
A spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade told RNZ Pacific that the Tokelau government had been advised of their decision.
Tokelau is completely inaccessible by plane, with visitors and its roughly 2600 residents required to travel via boat from Samoa. A return fare on the boat, which runs once every two weeks, is approximately NZ$306, with a travel time of around 24-32 hours.
“This decision was made in the context of the high cost of the project and the constrained fiscal environment currently facing the New Zealand government,” MFAT said in a statement.
“We recognise that air services have been a long-held aspiration of the people of Tokelau. ”
The government had spent around $3 million on feasibility, design, business casing and procurement planning since 2020, with funding agreed to the year before. The project faced delays due to COVID-19.
Stuff reported in 2022 that tenders for the project that had been put out for one provider who would be willing to work with the council of elders, or Taupulega, on a design concept.
Intended design An Official Information Act request from October 2024 confirmed that the intended design included one terminal with an 800m by 30m runway on Nukunonu, the largest of Tokelau’s three atolls.
A tender for a construction contractor had been placed as late as September 2025, with an expected timeline reaching out to 2030, according to MFAT’s DevData tool.
Children collecting inati (part of a fundamental cultural system of resource sharing) for their families. Image: Elena Pasilio/RNZ
John Teao, former chairman of the Wellington Tokelau Association, said he was personally pleased to see the project come to its end.
“There’s not enough land to have an airstrip . . . and it’s also the environmental impact — it’s a pristine environment,” Teao said.
“I just don’t see any any justification for an airport.
“Maybe in the future, if they have sea planes or things like that.”
Teao said he hopes to see the money spent on something more useful, such as improving the existing boat system.
Bridging the gap The New Zealand Labour Party’s Pacific spokesperson, Carmel Sepuloni, said this project was intended to bridge the gap between Tokelau and the world.
“While the details are unclear, it’s disappointing to hear this news,” she said in a statement.
“There are real risks that come with having no access to an airstrip. With a population of about 2500 and almost 10,000 Tokelauans living in New Zealand, travel to and from Tokelau is difficult.
“There’s a clear need and given Tokelau is within the realm of New Zealand, I’d expect the government to offer a clear explanation as to why they’ve scrapped these plans.”
An election in Tokelau for their General Fono is set for January 29. Each village is selecting their candidates for just over a week of campaigning.
The Fono consists of three Faipule, or village leaders, three Pulenuku, or village mayors, and 14 general delegates, elected for a three-year term.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on January 23, 2026.
Trump’s Greenland grab is part of a new space race – and the stakes are getting higher Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Marie Brennan, Senior Lecturer in Law, University of Waikato Pituffik Space Base, formerly Thule Air Base, in northern Greenland. Thomas Traasdahl/Ritzau Scanpix/AFP via Getty Images US President Donald Trump’s position on Greenland has shifted almost daily, from threats to take it by force to assurances he
Scott Morrison and Dan Andrews got it wrong. Here are 7 ways to get crisis leadership right Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Toby Newstead, Senior Lecturer in Management, University of Tasmania Five years ago, as Australia burned through the catastrophic Black Summer bushfires, then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison was photographed relaxing on a Hawaiian beach. When he returned, his now-infamous words – “I don’t hold a hose, mate” – epitomised
Caitlin Johnstone: Oppose Israel’s abuses while you still can COMMENTARY: By Caitlin Johnstone I’ve seen some Australians expressing confusion as to whether or not they can still legally criticise Israel online after new “hate speech” laws were passed on Tuesday under the pretence of combatting “antisemitism”. The answer is yes, and you definitely should keep opposing Israel and its genocidal atrocities. I am worried
Digital ‘tokenisation’ is reshaping the global financial industry. Is NZ ready? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Murat Ungor, Senior Lecturer in Economics, University of Otago Getty Images Imagine investing in a premium Central Otago vineyard, or owning a slice of prime Wellington commercial property, all without needing millions in upfront capital. Through asset “tokenisation”, this is becoming a reality. Essentially, tokenisation converts physical
How to get managers to say yes to flexible work arrangements, according to new research Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Melissa A. Wheeler, Senior Lecturer, Graduate School of Business and Law, RMIT University Diva Plavalaguna/Pexels In the modern workplace, flexible arrangements can be as important as salary for some. For many employees, flexibility is no longer a nice-to-have luxury. It has become a fundamental requirement for staying
Why are human penises so large? New evolutionary study finds two main reasons Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Upama Aich, Forrest Research Fellow, Centre for Evolutionary Biology, The University of Western Australia Rock formations in Love Valley, Cappadocia, Turkey. Nevit Dilmen/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY “Size matters” sounds like a tabloid cliché, but for evolutionary biologists the size of the human penis is truly a puzzle.
What’s the best way to remove a splinter? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Woods, Lecturer, Nursing, Faculty of Health, Southern Cross University Splinters are everyday injuries commonly involving a small shard of wood, glass, metal, plastic or a thorn that becomes embedded in the skin and the soft tissue underneath. The outer skin layer, known as the epidermis, has
Grattan on Friday: Coalition split is massive blow for Ley but the fault lies with Littleproud Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra Sussan Ley may pay the price for the implosion of the Coalition, but the blame rests squarely with Nationals leader David Littleproud. He’s the one whose leadership should be on the line. When you stand back from it, the behaviour
From grand harbour spectacular to intimate perfection: the varied dance at Sydney Festival 2026 Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erin Brannigan, Associate Professor, Theatre and Performance, UNSW Sydney Stephen Wilson Barker/Sydney Festival Of all the arts, dance has a special capacity to create worlds. Centred around the moving body, these worlds draw on other art forms – music, visual art, design, projection – to fill-out visions
Eugene Doyle: Mark Carney’s moment – a new non-aligned movement? COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney gave a speech at Davos this week that signals there may still be a leader in the West worth following. “Middle powers must act together because if we’re not at the table, we’re on the menu,” he warned. The Canadian PM was brutally honest about Western
Instead of a marriage, the Coalition should be an on-again, off-again affair Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Linda Botterill, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University The short-lived split between the Nationals and the Liberal Party after last year’s election has been followed by another breakup less than nine months later. The Nationals are publicly stating they cannot work under Sussan
Ian Powell: Bondi Beach’s murderous terrorism aftermath – an Aotearoa perspective COMMENTARY: By Ian Powell On 14 December 2025, a father and son, reportedly linked to the ISIS clerical fascist organisation, committed a murderous attack on innocent participants at a Jewish celebration on Sydney’s famous Bondi Beach. Fifteen were killed and around 40 seriously injured. There is no way this horrific event can be minimised. It
RSF condemns verdict in ‘fabricated’ case against Filipino journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio Pacific Media Watch The Paris-based global media freedom group Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned the guilty verdict against Filipino journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio whose case has been challenged since her arrest almost six years ago. Cumpio was found guilty today on a charge of “financing terrorism” in the Philippines, and now faces a sentence
US President Donald Trump’s position on Greenland has shifted almost daily, from threats to take it by force to assurances he won’t. But one thing remains consistent: his insistence the Arctic island is strategically vital to the United States.
Within hours of the president’s speech at this week’s Davos summit, Reports began circulating that Washington and Copenhagen had quietly discussed giving the US small, remote patches of Greenland for new military sites. Nothing confirmed, everything whispered, but the speed of the speculation said a lot.
What once felt like Trumpian theatre suddenly looked like a real geopolitical move. It was also a hint Arctic power plays are now bleeding into the politics of outer space.
This all happened very quickly. The notion the US might buy Greenland from Denmark (which resurfaced in 2019) was at first treated like a late-night comedy sketch.
But behind the jokes lay a growing unease the Trump administration’s fixation with Greenland was part of a wider geostrategic ambition in the “western hemisphere” – and beyond.
That’s because Greenland sits at the crossroads of two fast-shifting frontiers: a warming Arctic that will change shipping routes, and an increasingly militarised outer space.
As global tensions rise, the island has become a geopolitical pressure gauge, revealing how the old international legal order is beginning to fray.
At the centre of it all is Pituffik Space Base, formerly known as Thule Air Base. Once a Cold War outpost, it’s now a key part of the US military’s Space Force hub, vital for everything from missile detection to climate tracking.
In a world where orbit is the new high ground, that visibility is strategic gold.
Space law in a vacuum
Trump has leaned hard into this logic. He’s repeatedly praised Thule as one of the most important assets for watching what happens above the Earth, and has urged the US to “look at every option” to expand its presence.
High latitude sites are ideal for launching payloads into polar- and sun-synchronous orbits. Greenland’s empty expanses and open ocean corridors make it a potential Arctic launch hub. With global launch capacity tightening due to fewer available sites and access problems, the island is suddenly premium real estate.
But American interest in Greenland is rising at the same time as the post-war “rules-based international order” has proved increasingly ineffective at maintaining peace and security.
It also never anticipated that Earth-based sites such as Thule/Pituffik would decide who can monitor or dominate orbit.
As countries scramble for strategic footholds, the treaty’s core principles are being pushed to breaking point. Major powers now treat both the terrestrial and orbital realms less like global commons and more like strategic assets to control and defend.
Greenland as warning sign
Greenland sits squarely on this fault line. If the US were to expand its control over the island, it would command a disproportionate share of global space surveillance capabilities. That imbalance raises uncomfortable questions.
How can space function as a global commons when the tools needed to oversee it are concentrated in so few hands? What happens when geopolitical competition on Earth spills directly into orbit?
And how should international law adapt when terrestrial territory becomes a gateway to extraterrestrial influence? For many observers, the outlook is bleak. They argue the international legal system is not evolving but eroding.
Greenland, in this context, is not just a strategic asset; it’s a warning sign.
For Greenlanders, the stakes are immediate. The island’s strategic value gives them leverage, but also makes them vulnerable. As Arctic ice melts and new shipping routes emerge, Greenland’s geopolitical weight will only grow.
Its people must navigate the ambitions of global powers while pursuing their own political and economic future, including the possibility of independence from Denmark.
What started as a political curiosity now exposes a deeper shift: the Arctic is becoming a front line of space governance, and the laws and treaties designed to manage this vast icy territory and the space above it are struggling to keep up.
The old Thule Air Base is no longer just a northern outpost, it’s a strategic gateway to orbit and a means to exert political and military power from above.
Anna Marie Brennan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Five years ago, as Australia burned through the catastrophic Black Summer bushfires, then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison was photographed relaxing on a Hawaiian beach.
When he returned, his now-infamous words – “I don’t hold a hose, mate” – epitomised a crisis leadership approach that came across as being built on detachment and dominance.
Fast forward to January this year and Victorian Premier Jacinta Allan is standing in fire-devastated Natimuk, announcing mental health support packages and expressing concern for traumatised livestock.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese promises those affected: “we’ve got your back”.
Our new research suggests something is shifting with crisis leadership – although we still have a way to go.
This isn’t a story about men versus women leaders, nor Labor versus Liberal.
Rather, these contrasting responses reveal a tentative movement toward a more virtue-based approach that centres ethical considerations and away from the “strongman” prototype that has long dominated.
The masculine crisis leader prototype
Popular culture and much crisis leadership research have long celebrated a particular kind of leader in times of crisis: tough, decisive, emotionally detached and domineering.
Think of US President Donald Trump’s COVID response – confident, dismissive of experts and unmoved by growing death tolls – or former UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s famously tough “Iron Lady” approach to the Falklands War.
These leaders emphasise speed over deliberation, command over collaboration and displays of strength over expressions of care. It’s a style linked to ideals of masculinity that have shaped expectations for generations.
This prototype doesn’t just disadvantage leaders who don’t fit the mould (particularly women and those who embody characteristics culturally coded as feminine). It also sidesteps the deeply ethical nature of crises, where decisions about who gets help, who is protected and who bears the burden carry profound moral implications.
Morrison’s Black Summer response exemplified these failures. He appeared to many to demonstrate physical and emotional detachment rather than accountability.
His forced handshakes with devastated community members in Cobargo came across as performative dominance rather than genuine compassion.
His refusal to meet with former fire chiefs advocating for climate action risked being widely interpreted as a closed-minded approach.
The result? Communities felt abandoned precisely when they needed leadership most.
This pattern extends beyond any single leader or political party.
During Victoria’s COVID lockdowns, then-Premier Daniel Andrews was widely criticised for appearing to take a highly centralised, heavy-handed approach while appearing to lack empathy for what people were experiencing.
His leadership hinged on the command-and-control elements of the masculine prototype, even while working toward public health goals.
The 7 key virtues
Our research identifies how seven key virtues inform effective, ethical crisis leadership: courage, humanity, justice, prudence, temperance, transcendence and wisdom.
By analysing 67 speeches given by heads of state, we identified the distinct role each virtue plays in crisis leadership and how their combined use offers a richer approach.
Different virtues serve distinct purposes in crisis leadership.
Leaders can showcase their own humanity, courage, wisdom and justice to build trust. They ask citizens to demonstrate temperance, humanity and wisdom to ensure cooperation. And they emphasise shared courage and transcendence to unite everyone in the belief the crisis can be overcome.
This approach offers a more effective way to lead – a shift we have seen hints of in the response to the natural disasters rocking Australia in the early months of 2026.
Let’s unpack these seven virtues:
Courage is increasingly framed as a collective attribute (we are courageous), rather than an individual one (he is courageous). Instead of awaiting a lone heroic strongman, the emphasis increasingly falls on communities’ collective resilience, even if traditional imagery of bravery still features prominently.
Humanity sits at the heart of current responses, encompassing empathy, care and compassion. Tangible responses include mental health support, concern for animal welfare and case workers to help navigate complex recovery needs. This isn’t “soft” leadership, it’s recognising that care for those suffering is foundational to effective crisis response.
Justice involves standing with communities, indicating accountability and ensuring everyone has support – even if the adequacy of that support remains contested.
Prudence (practical wisdom applied to difficult decisions) allows leaders to balance multiple perspectives and navigate complexity. While Morrison and many leaders in the past dismissed expert warnings about climate-intensified fire risk, current Australian leaders publicly reference the need to work with emergency services and consider multiple perspectives.
Temperance (encompassing humility, patience and restraint) remains the most tentatively expressed virtue in the face of current crises. While leaders avoid aggressive dismissiveness, there’s room for more explicit acknowledgement of the mistakes inevitably made under pressure.
Transcendence – our connection to the intangible – allows leaders to bolster a shared belief that crises can be overcome.
Wisdom allows crisis leaders to consider more holistic data and diverse perspectives.
What still holds us back – and where to next?
Despite these shifts, the masculine prototype remains powerful. Technical, rationalist language still dominates. Stoicism, decisiveness and firm command are still celebrated.
And other acts of virtue by local leaders which help address the crisis remain largely invisible, such as the grassroots organising and outreach activities that let people know others genuinely care.
The shift we’re seeing represents real but tentative progress.
To consolidate and extend the shift we need to educate leaders in how to practice virtue-based crisis leadership and move on from the outdated strongman approach.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
I’ve seen some Australians expressing confusion as to whether or not they can still legally criticise Israel online after new “hate speech” laws were passed on Tuesday under the pretence of combatting “antisemitism”.
The answer is yes, and you definitely should keep opposing Israel and its genocidal atrocities.
I am worried that these new laws may indirectly have a bit of a chilling effect on pro-Palestine activism due to Australians not understanding these new laws and what people are allowed to do without being jailed.
So let’s clear this up thoroughly so we’re all on the same page.
To be perfectly clear: it is still legal for Australians to oppose Israel and to associate with pro-Palestine groups – and we should. What’s changed is that now those groups can be classified as “hate groups” and banned, similarly to how Palestine Action has been banned in the UK.
But this hasn’t happened yet, and hopefully never will. We need to push for these new laws to be repealed, because they look guaranteed to be abused at some point in the future.
It is still legal to criticise Israel. So we should criticise it as much as possible, because we don’t know how much longer we’ll have that right.
It is still legal to associate with pro-Palestine groups. So we should do so at every opportunity, because we don’t know when they’ll start listing them as “hate groups” and imprisoning anyone who continues to associate with them.
Unless you are in certain parts of Sydney while the post-Bondi protest ban remains in effect, it is presently fully legal to hold pro-Palestine marches. So attend as many as you are able, because you don’t know when they’ll be shut down altogether.
It is still legal to say that Israel is a genocidal apartheid state, and to share information and opinions about its abuses. So we should do so as much as we can, because we don’t know when that right will be taken away.
It is still legal to state the fact that Zionism is a racist and murderous political ideology and that everything we’ve seen in Gaza is the result of Zionists getting everything they want. So we should say it frequently, because that right could vanish at any time.
It is still legal to say “Fuck Israel, free Palestine.” So we should say it loud and say it often, because we don’t know how much longer we’ll be allowed to do so without getting thrown into prison.
Fuck Israel, free Palestine. Say it loud and say it often, because you won’t have the right to say it much longer.
The Israel lobby is working frenetically to crush free speech in Australia, and the swamp monsters in Canberra are either actively facilitating this agenda or doing far too little to stop it.
The more aggressively they work to take away our right to oppose Israel, the more aggressively we need to oppose both them and Israel.
We’re not just fighting for Gaza anymore, we’re fighting for our own civil rights, and for our children, and for our grandchildren. They’re actively assaulting our ability to speak critically of power and make this nation a more tyrannical place.
The only appropriate response to this is ferocious defiance.
In the modern workplace, flexible arrangements can be as important as salary for some. For many employees, flexibility is no longer a nice-to-have luxury. It has become a fundamental requirement for staying in the workforce, especially after COVID.
This leaves many employees with a stark choice: either conform to standard, rigid office hours or look for better conditions elsewhere.
The stakes of these negotiations are remarkably high. For the employee, a successful deal can mean the difference between professional growth and total burnout. For the employer, it is a major lever for retaining top talent.
Yet, many employees approach these conversations as simple “asks”, unaware that the success of their requests often hinge on invisible factors that have little to do with their actual job performance.
In our new research, published in the Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, we wanted to provide an evidence base for how to negotiate for flexible work, so both employers and employees can benefit.
Request for approval
To understand why some flexible work requests are approved and others are rejected, we ran two studies with more than 300 participants.
Successfully negotiating flexible working arrangements with a manager can be tricky. charlesdeluvio/Unsplash
Instead of asking people what they think influences flexible work approvals, we asked them to make real decisions on a series of requests presented to them.
To strengthen our findings, all participants had management experience.
In both studies, participants read short requests from hypothetical employees asking to work flexibly.
Each request was designed to look realistic, but was given a focus on one of four different things:
caring responsibilities
improved productivity
greater wellbeing via work-life integration
task completion instead of hours worked.
In the second study, we varied both the gender of the requester and how much flexibility they asked for: either two or four days working from home.
What we found
Across both studies, a clear pattern emerged. Requests related to caring responsibilities and improved productivity had the greatest success. Requests which focused on improved personal wellbeing or greater autonomy over their time were less successful.
However, contrary to what we expected, we found men and women were equally likely to be approved for flexible work.
This suggests that, at least at the approval stage, “gendered flexibility stigma”, or bias against workers (usually women) who access flexible work arrangements, may be less pronounced than earlier research has suggested.
Overall, we found managers have a clear preference for fewer days of flexible working. Requests for two days of flexible work were much more likely to be approved than requests for four days.
Our results indicate fathers won’t be penalised for asking for flexible work to provide care to their children. However, there’s an important caveat. While their requests were just as likely as women’s to be approved, our research cannot speak to the impact on men’s (or any workers’) careers after they take up flexible work.
The stigma against those who cannot be seen in the office or workplace – a perceived lack of commitment, judgements about decreased productivity, reduced likelihood of getting promoted – may still be present.
Workplace changes caused by the pandemic allowed fathers to become more engaged in caring. Vitaly Gariev/Unsplash
Other ways to make a strong case
Flexible work debates often focus on and even favour parents. That can leave non-parents with fewer options. Our research provides good news for those without caring responsibilities who still want to embrace the benefits of flexible work.
We found the business case was equally as effective as the child-care argument. Non-carers should strongly consider the mutual benefits to their employers and to themselves and be sure to make a strong case for how the company will reap the rewards.
For example, workers could highlight the possibility for increased productivity or fewer sick days.
Resources and tools are available to help employees construct their business cases, such as the Workplace Gender Equality Agency’s page on legal requirements in Australia and evidence for a business case.
What the law says
Anyone can ask for flexible working arrangements; your boss might say no, but it’s worth a shot. At a national level, in Australia where this study was conducted, employers cannot unreasonably refuse flexible working arrangements for people in certain circumstances, including those who have worked for the same employer for more than 12 months and who are:
pregnant
a person with disability
have various caring responsibilities
55 or older
experiencing family and domestic violence
providing care for someone who is experiencing family and domestic violence.
Employers are legally required to respond to such flexible work requests in writing within 21 days, and make their approval decisions based on “reasonable business grounds”.
Room to make things fairer
Together, our findings show that flexible work is still not doled out fairly. Because these negotiations often occur on a one-on-one basis, they are highly susceptible to individual bias, favouritism, and assumptions about who deserves to work flexibly.
One factor outside an employee’s control is their manager’s attitude. Our research found managers who held positive views about flexible work were more likely to approve requests of any kind. Those with negative attitudes were more likely to say no, regardless of how the request was framed.
Ultimately, success depends on how the request is framed, how much flexibility is asked for, and who is making the decision.
Melissa Wheeler has engaged in paid and pro-bono consulting and research relating to issues of applied ethics and gender equality (including Our Watch, Queen Victoria Women’s Centre, VicHealth). She has previously worked for research centres that receive funding from several partner organisations in the private and public sector, including from the Victorian government. She holds a Board of Directors role with the Frankston Social Enterprise and Innovation Hub.
Anne Bardoel, Asanka Gunasekara, and Lindsie Arthur do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
