Category: MIL-OSI

By Khalia Strong of PMN News

A new paper by women scholars warns colonial power structures are still shaping health systems across the Pacific region.

They are calling for a radical shift in global health leadership and decision-making.

The call comes from a new paper published this month in The Lancet Regional Health – Western Pacific, led by researchers from Waipapa Taumata Rau, the University of Auckland, alongside Pacific collaborators.

The paper argues that while global health is framed around fairness and inclusion, Pacific knowledge and leadership are often marginalised in practice.

Dr Sainimere Boladuadua, lead author from the University of Auckland’s Department of Paediatrics: Child and Youth Health, said these power imbalances directly impacted on communities.

“Global Health must stop undervaluing Pacific expertise,” Dr Boladuadua said in a statement.

“When overseas consultants are paid more than local experts, and research extracts knowledge without building local capacity, colonial patterns are reinforced.”

Colonisation inequities
The researchers have traced current inequities to the history of colonisation in the Pacific, driven by commercial, religious, and military interests.

While many Pacific nations have since achieved political independence, the paper argues that colonial structures persist through unequal trade relationships, labour migration schemes, and externally controlled funding.

Dr Boladuadua said these systems limited Pacific control over health research, policy priorities, and resources, even as communities face growing burdens from non-communicable diseases and climate change.

“Global Health, at its core, is about health equity for all,” she said. “That means prioritising the most pressing problems faced by communities with the least resources.”

A plan for change
The paper outlines four action areas to transform global health in the Pacific: strengthening sovereignty through Pacific-led decision-making; integrating Indigenous and Western knowledge systems; building genuine and reciprocal partnerships; and ensuring fair pay, recognition, and leadership opportunities for Pacific professionals.

The authors argue Pacific Island countries must be supported to set their own priorities, including control over funding, research management, data sovereignty, and workforce training.

The researchers also highlight language as a source of power. They say English is often treated as the default in global health, but its use “should not come at the expense of Indigenous Pacific languages and knowledge systems”.

The research places Pacific women at the centre of decolonisation efforts, noting that while colonisation was deeply patriarchal, Indigenous women historically held major leadership roles in island societies.

“Contrary to the control of white women during colonisation, Indigenous women held powerful positions in Island societies,” the research states.

Growing Pacific leadership
Dr Boladuadua said change was already underway, pointing to the establishment of the Fiji Institute of Pacific Health Research and the launch of the Pacific Academy of Sciences in Sāmoa as signs of growing Pacific leadership.

At the academy’s opening ceremony, then-prime minister Fiamē Naomi Mata’afa said the launch marked an important milestone for regional collaboration and would “give voice to science in and from the Pacific Islands”.

The authors argue Pacific-led approaches offer a blueprint not only for the region, but for building fairer and more resilient global health systems worldwide.

Republished from Pacific Media Network News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/01/28/pacific-women-scholars-call-for-radical-shift-in-global-health-systems/

Asia Pacific Report

The Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) has asked for an urgent meeting with Police Commissioner Richard Chambers and is calling for “cohesive action” over escalating attacks by Israel supporters against Palestinians and human rights activists.

The network said in a statement a rock had been hurled through the window of New Plymouth activists Kate and Grant Cole last week.

Co-chair Maher Nazzal said attacks from Zionist supporters had become “more frequent and dangerous” over the past year.

“In the case of the Coles, the rock through their window was just the latest in a series of targeted attacks on them and their property,” he said in the statement.

“They have twice endured spray-painted Israeli flags on their fence. Their car tyres were slashed on four different occasions. They had vile lies about them delivered in letterboxes around their neighbourhood.

“This time, it was a rock flung through their window with the message ‘Snap Action — REQ’ attached.”

Nazzal said local police had failed to take these attacks seriously. They had suggested to the Coles that they should “spend a lot of money on security systems”.

He said attacks on activists were increasing even before US President Donald Trump’s “failed ceasefire agreement” for Gaza was signed last October 10.

Pro-Israel lobby ‘has failed’
“The pro-Israel lobby is upset their side has failed to keep the genocide in Gaza completely out of public view,” Nazzal said.

“They have lost the debate. Poll responses show New Zealanders register two to one that New Zealand should sanction Israel for genocide and recognise a Palestinian state.

“Israelis and Israel’s supporters are taking their shock and frustration out on Palestine solidarity activists.

“In the past couple of weeks alone, two women activists were stalked after a protest in Auckland.

“There was spray painting and vandalism of PSNA co-chair John Minto’s home, an assault on a supporter by an ex-IDF soldier in Auckland and attacks on our supporters in Napier.”

Nazzal said that while the police had been vigorous in investigating and prosecuting anyone they believed to have been acting for Palestinian rights — such as the broken window at Foreign Minister Winston Peters’ home and an assault on an Israeli soldier holidaying here — they were slow to follow up on attacks on Palestine supporters.

He said the police were keen to “pull out all stops” for the Israeli Embassy to defend Israeli soldiers “fresh from a genocide in Gaza — but can’t find the time to take attacks on Palestinians and Palestinian supporters seriously.”

The police have yet to comment on PSNA’s claims.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/01/28/psna-seeks-urgent-police-talks-after-rock-through-window-attack-on-palestine-supporters/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

A little-known Nationals MP, Queenslander Colin Boyce, who declared on Wednesday he will move for a spill of the party’s leadership, has tossed a grenade but David Littleproud appears firmly dug in.

Littleproud’s breaking of the Coalition has had a profound impact on conservative politics, further destabilising the Liberals and their leader Sussan Ley. It has divided his own party.

But as of late Wednesday no other challengers were in sight, and there did not seem to be support for a spill.

Boyce announced his move – to be made the Nationals’ Monday meeting – on Sky News, saying he wanted to give colleagues “an option”.

“The reality is, if they follow the course they’re on now, they are going over the political cliff,” he said.

“The National Party is committing political suicide by removing itself from the Coalition.”

Boyce – close to Barnaby Joyce, now ensconced in One Nation – flagged he would run for leader, but he won’t get the chance if he can’t get support for the spill motion.

Littleproud said in a statement,

I stand by my record as Leader of The Nationals and what our Party Room has achieved.

The Nationals held all of its House of Representatives seats at the last election.

The Nationals also fought to keep important policies, including the Regional Australia Future Fund, tougher action on supermarkets with divestiture powers, Universal Service Obligation reform to ensure better mobile phone coverage in regional areas, and dumping net zero while keeping all energy options on the table, including nuclear.

More recently, The Nationals opposed Labor’s hate speech laws, due to the unknown slippery slope of stopping freedom of speech.

Littleproud is protected by two factors: his leadership style, and the lack of an alternative who is both willing and viable.

Littleproud has gone to great lengths to protect his back by tying his colleagues into every decision. A main way he’s done this is by taking every single thing to his party room. Last week the Nationals had numerous meetings, with every incremental development going back to them.

Matt Canavan, the strongest and hardest-line voice in the party who ran against Littleproud after the election, is backing the leader.

In last week’s battle over the anti-hate legislation, Canavan got his way when the Nationals voted against the bill in the Senate. He has no reason to want Littleproud out.

Canavan said on Wednesday: “I’m proud of the team and what it did last week.” He saw “no reason to change leader”, although he could not understand why the Coalition needed to split – why the two parties could not have had different views and move on.

Former leader Michael McCormack voted for that legislation in the House of Representatives, so that would cruel any chance of a return for him.

He told the Canberra Times, “the leadership’s not on offer. The leadership is the gift of the party room, and the party room is very supportive of David.”

Senator Bridget McKenzie said, “this spill motion has come out of the blue. I don’t believe the party room has changed since last week’s events.”

Given how disruptive a force Littleproud is, there would be logic for the Nationals to install current deputy Kevin Hogan, which could facilitate getting the Coalition back together.

Late in last week’s crisis, Hogan had talks with a senior Liberal about a peace plan. It involved:

1. the senators who had breached shadow cabinet solidarity resigning

2. their resignations not being accepted

3. a formal acknowledgement this was an exception and in future shadow cabinet decisions, solidarity would prevail, and

4. having future blunt conversations between the leaderships of the two parties to iron out problems.

Needless to say, no peace was made.

Hogan ruled out any tilt at the leadership. “David has my overwhelming support and he has the overwhelming support of the [Nationals] room”, he said.

Meanwhile Ley wrote on Tuesday to Littleproud, suggesting a meeting.

She explained in a message to her Liberal shadow ministry colleagues, sent on Wednesday, “I wrote to David Littleproud proposing that we meet along with other senior party officials, without any preconditions and as a priority, ahead of Parliament’s return.

“I reminded him that as the leaders of the Liberal and National parties, we are the stewards of two great movements that exist to serve the Australian people and that maintaining a strong and functioning relationship between our two parties is in the national interest — whether in formal Coalition or not.

“David’s team have just advised mine that his focus is the spill motion he now faces and he is therefore unavailable to meet until after that spill is considered.”

That sounds like a fobb-off rather than a genuine excuse.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. View from The Hill: Nationals rebel stirs the pot but Littleproud is dug in – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-nationals-rebel-stirs-the-pot-but-littleproud-is-dug-in-272441

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/01/28/view-from-the-hill-nationals-rebel-stirs-the-pot-but-littleproud-is-dug-in-272441/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Last week, the Coalition fell apart for the second time since the last federal election – which was just eight months ago.

Both the Liberals and Nationals are in crisis. Sussan Ley’s leadership of the Opposition now appears to be terminal. And Nationals MP Colin Boyce today declared he would call for a spill of that party’s leadership next week.

Only weeks ago, it was the Albanese government with its back against the wall, after extensive criticism of its handling of the aftermath of the December 14 Bondi massacre.

But after Parliament returned early to pass restrictions on guns and take further measures against hate speech and organisations promoting hate, it ended up splitting the Liberals and their former Coalition partners, the Nationals.

Liberal Senator Jonathon (Jonno) Duniam, the shadow minister for home affairs, was one of the key players in last week’s events. He joins us today to discuss whether the Liberals will end up facing off against the Nationals at the next election, a surge in public support for One Nation and more.

On vocal concerns that new hate speech laws would limit freedom of speech, Duniam says the bill now has adequate safeguards – and blames “social media influencers” who had “whipped up a frenzy” of misinformation.

One thing that’s become apparent to me over the course of the last three weeks is that there are a huge number of social media influencers who seem more interested in boosting their algorithm and boosting their subscribers or viewer numbers than they are in facilitating passage of true information. And that is something that is very concerning to me.

When you’ve got people suggesting that political parties like One Nation might end up as a hate group, which is just patently false […] it’s just nuts. But yet there are people out there spreading this stuff through their 30-second videos, and of course it has whipped up this frenzy.

On the Coalition split, Duniam says he would like it to be re-formed, but at the moment it’s “impossible”.

I think it is probably a good thing for the Liberals and the Nationals to have time apart. I think that the Nationals have a range of issues they need to work through internally. Some of those were on display for all to see in the last sitting week, as they couldn’t agree amongst themselves on their position on legislation and various elements of those bills.

And let’s not forget, it’s the second time in 12 months that the Nationals have precipitated a separation of this nature […] When the Nationals are willing to be a part of such a coherent opposition then I think that it would be great to have them back. But at this point in time I don’t think they are.

Duniam said Boyce’s new push to spill the Nationals leadership “could indeed change things” – but “we don’t need to rush back into Coalition”, even if that meant Liberals and Nationals running against each other at the next election.

Indeed, that is a possibility. And I’m not going to predict anything here, but on the current course we’re on, that’s what’s going to happen.

On the rise of One Nation in recent polls, Duniam acknowledges there’s more the Liberals could do to win back voters.

I think there’s a job for us in centre-right parties to certainly call out [minor] parties that have been all care and no responsibility […] They can say whatever they like and vote however they do in Parliament, with no regard for some of the bigger problems that come along for parties of government.

We need to be clearer in our communication, we need to be clearer in making sure people understand what it is we stand for. And I take responsibility for this as well. I don’t think we’ve done a very good job with that – not just in the last nine or whatever months it’s been since the election, but the last term, too. That’s why we’re in opposition. That’s why we got smashed at the last election.

On bridging the ideological gulf between the Liberal Party’s moderates and conservatives, Duniam says that divide is not as great as people make out.

I think we have been able to do that quite a lot and it’s lost in the froth and bubble of everything that’s going on at the moment. I mean, let’s look at the last six months. Sussan Ley was able to settle a net zero position where the moderates, as they’re called, while they might have had concerns and issues with particular elements of what we were doing, they came along. They didn’t leave the party.

[…] I don’t think there is quite the gulf. What we do need to do is clearly tell people what we stand for, and why, and how much better off they will be as a result of that. I think we can happily work – conservative and moderate – in our party. Because at the end of the day we’re all Liberals and we all want the best for our country.

[…] And at this point in time, we’re spending a bit too much time talking about ourselves and not the people of Australia. So the sooner that settles down, the better.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Jonno Duniam on the ‘frenzy’ over hate speech laws and the Coalition split – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-jonno-duniam-on-the-frenzy-over-hate-speech-laws-and-the-coalition-split-274516

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/01/28/politics-with-michelle-grattan-jonno-duniam-on-the-frenzy-over-hate-speech-laws-and-the-coalition-split-274516/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David S G Goodman, Director, China Studies Centre, Professor of Chinese Politics, University of Sydney

Last weekend, China’s Ministry of National Defence announced that the country’s two most senior generals – Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli – would be removed from office and placed under investigation for serious disciplinary violations.

Zhang had been the People’s Liberation Army’s most senior general since October 2022. He was the highest ranking military member of the Politburo of the Communist Party of China (CCP), the party-state’s 24-member executive policy-making body.

Zhang was also the senior vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, which controls the armed forces.

Liu was the former commander of the PLA’s Ground Force and had most recently been in charge of the Central Military Commission’s Joint Staff Department.

The reaction to these developments outside China has led to dramatic headlines. A BBC headline initially focused on a “military in crisis”, while the Australian Broadcasting Corporation called it an “astonishing” purge that leaves Chinese leader Xi Jinping almost alone at the top of the world’s biggest army.

Certainly, the moves were surprising. But so little is known about the internal workings of the CCP’s leadership, including Xi’s relations with his colleagues in the Politburo, that interpreting these developments is difficult, if not impossible.

What we know

For historical and political reasons, the PLA is an organisation of the CCP. Both fall under the direct purview of Xi, who is chair of the Central Military Commission, general secretary of the CCP and president of the country.

The removal of Zhang and Liu at least temporarily leaves military leadership under just Xi and General Zhang Shengmin. Three other members of the Central Military Commission have lost their positions since 2024 and not been replaced.

Though the Chinese leadership is notoriously opaque, it is clear there have been disciplinary problems within the military in the last few years, particularly related to corruption and procurement in the more technically advanced departments of the PLA. Some two dozen senior military figures have been dismissed or investigated since 2022.

Zhang and Liu were fairly recent appointments to even more senior positions. Both were also seen as personal supporters of Xi. The fathers of Xi and Zhang had a close relationship dating back to the early days of the CCP in the 1930s before the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949.

Moreover, the removals of Zhang and Liu happened more quickly than other senior military dismissals of recent years – and there were fewer warning signs. Both men had appeared in public as recently as a month ago.

Perhaps of even greater surprise, the Wall Street Journal reported that Zhang is accused of providing the United States with information about China’s nuclear weapons program, alongside allegations of accepting bribes and forming “political cliques”.

So, how to read the tea leaves?

Past practice suggests without a doubt that once a senior figure loses their status or is dismissed – for whatever reason – their downfall results in accusations of a litany of crimes.

The Politburo has also seen its share of intense internal politics in the past, though the precise circumstances of such conflicts usually take years to surface. A good example is the mysterious death of Lin Biao in 1971, another former PLA commander who at the time was Mao Zedong’s designated successor.

Given the broader context at play here with the management of the military and the development of government programs in recent years, as well as the claims Zhang and Liu violated “discipline and the law”, there are two possible explanations for their dismissals.

Both may have had direct involvement in corruption, taking bribes to appoint officials or ensure contracts for suppliers. It is equally likely they are being held responsible for corruption that has undoubtedly occurred in military procurement under their watch.

Then there is the possibility of a difference of opinion within the Central Military Commission and the Politburo on how to deal with corruption, particularly within the military.

Xi has repeatedly stressed the importance of the fight against corruption since he became general secretary of the CCP in 2012.

In recent weeks, he has made this an even more important crusade in the context of the about-to-be-announced 15th Five-year Plan for Economic and Social Development. On January 12, he designated the issue of corruption as a “major struggle” in a speech to China’s top anti-corruption agency:

Currently, the situation in the fight against corruption remains grave and complex […] We must maintain a high-pressure stance without wavering, resolutely punishing corruption wherever it exists, eliminating all forms of graft, and leaving no place for corrupt elements to hide.

To meet China’s developmental goals, he added, the CCP “must deploy cadres who are truly loyal, reliable, consistent and responsible”.

It is difficult to see Zhang and Liu or indeed anyone else currently willing or able to challenge Xi. Or, indeed, that Xi might feel immediately threatened by Zhang, Liu or others.

To that extent, Xi’s personal position is neither strengthened nor weakened by these dismissals.

Other analysts have suggested that the disruptions caused by the dismissals could lower Xi’s confidence in his military. Some have even said the potential for an invasion of Taiwan has now been lowered.

The removal of so many leaders may indicate the PLA is now expected to undergo culture change. At the same time, it would be drawing a very long bow to suggest its military capacity generally or in relation to Taiwan has either been strengthened or weakened.

David S G Goodman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Xi Jinping has dismissed two of China’s most senior generals. What does this mean? – https://theconversation.com/xi-jinping-has-dismissed-two-of-chinas-most-senior-generals-what-does-this-mean-274425

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/01/28/xi-jinping-has-dismissed-two-of-chinas-most-senior-generals-what-does-this-mean-274425/

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

Renewed fighting in Syria in recent weeks between government-aligned forces and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) isn’t just a local issue. It has serious implications for the stability of the rest of the Middle East.

Syrian government forces launched an offensive in early January into areas of northeastern Syria controlled by Kurdish forces. The operation enabled the government to gain control of key oil and gas fields and major border crossings with Iraq and Turkey.

Of particular concern to Syria’s neighbours, though, is the thousands of former Islamic State (IS) fighters who have been held in prisons run by the SDF in the region. One camp, al-Hol, reportedly held about 24,000 detainees, primarily women and children. There were also diehard IS supporters from around the world at the camp.

Amid concerns the prisoners would escape with the SDF retreat, the US military began moving detainees from Syria to other facilities in Iraq last week. Some prisoners, however, were able to escape.

Though both sides agreed to a ceasefire that would see the SDF forces incorporated into the Syrian armed forces, it remains shaky.

The government’s offensive has also resulted in mass displacement, mistreatment of civilians and what the SDF claims are Islamic State-style killings of its forces and civilians.

And there are concerns the Islamic State will take advantage of the chaos to regroup and try to destabilise the region once again.

A pattern of violence

The fighting has followed a pattern disturbingly similar to other violent episodes following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government to forces led by now-President Ahmed al-Sharaa in late 2024.

Al-Sharaa has pledged to protect minorities in the new Syria he is building, but religious and ethnic minorities have specifically been targeted. This includes the Druze in southern Syria and Alawite communities in the west.

There have been credible reports of summary executions, arbitrary killings and kidnappings.

When the Islamic State controlled large portions of Syria around 2014, its violent actions against civilians – in particular, minorities such as the Yazidis and Kurds – were widely condemned as potential war crimes and crimes against humanity.

In al-Sharaa’s Syria, the violence has allegedly been carried out by government security forces, as well as armed factions affiliated with the government, including foreign fighters.

And al-Sharaa’s government has been supported – or at least tolerated – by international actors, most notably the United States. US President Donald Trump praised al-Sharaa earlier this month for his “tremendous progress”, adding, “I think he’s going to put it all together.”

Trump even met al-Sharaa during a visit to Saudi Arabia in May at the behest of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

As a result, violent actions that once triggered airstrikes and global outrage are now met largely with silence, caution or political justification.

This shift is most stark in the treatment of Kurdish forces, particularly the Syrian Democratic Forces. These forces have been among the US government’s most effective local partners in the fight against Islamic State for years.

Despite this record, violence against Kurdish civilians has elicited little meaningful reaction. Instead, US policy has focused on supporting the Syrian government structure and urging Kurdish leaders to accept the new political order and fully integrate into state institutions.

For Kurdish communities, this demand carries profound risks. The experiences of the Druze and Alawites offer little assurance that disarmament and territorial concessions will be met with protection or political inclusion.

Many Kurds fear laying down arms without security guarantees could expose them to similar attacks.

A return of Islamic State

Another destabilising consequence of the fighting in eastern Syria has been the collapse of the detention network built to prevent the return of IS.

The US has said up to 7,000 detainees could be transferred from Syria to detention facilities in Iraq in its operations.

While framed as a logistical and security necessity, the announcement immediately triggered alarm across Iraq, where memories of the 2014 Islamic State invasion remain vivid. That was fuelled, in part, by prison breaks from poorly secured detention facilities in Iraq and Syria.

In response to these concerns, Iraqi security forces have deployed in large numbers along the Syrian border to prevent escaped IS detainees from infiltrating the country.

US and Turkish agendas

At the centre of this unfolding crisis is the US, which favours a centralised Syrian state under a single trusted authority. This is easier to manage diplomatically and militarily than a fragmented country with competing armed factions.

This approach also aligns with Trump’s broader regional ambitions, including expanding the Abraham Accords by persuading more regional countries to normalise ties with Israel.

Turkey, a NATO member and key US ally, also has a vested interest in the future of Syria. Ankara, a key backer of al-Sharaa, has long viewed any form of Kurdish autonomy in Syria as an existential threat, fearing it would embolden Kurdish demands inside Turkey.

Together, these overlapping agendas reveal why the international response to the fighting in eastern Syria has been so muted. Concerns over civilian protection or the potential regrouping of the Islamic State have been trumped by the strategic realignment taking place with a post-Assad Syria.

Kurdish forces, once indispensable partners, now find themselves caught between shifting alliances and competing regional interests — another casualty of a new international order defined by convenience rather than principle.

Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. As Syria’s new government consolidates its power, the Kurdish minority fears for its future – https://theconversation.com/as-syrias-new-government-consolidates-its-power-the-kurdish-minority-fears-for-its-future-274110

Evening Report: https://eveningreport.nz/2026/01/28/as-syrias-new-government-consolidates-its-power-the-kurdish-minority-fears-for-its-future-274110/