Police were alerted to the incident at about 6.30pm, where a vehicle had hit a parked car and flipped near the intersection of Frederick Street and Belfast Street.RNZ
One person has died following a crash in the Auckland suburb Hillsborough last night.
Police were alerted to the incident at about 6.30pm Saturday, where a vehicle had hit a parked car and flipped near the intersection of Frederick Street and Belfast Street.
Despite emergency services’ efforts, one person died at the scene, police said.
Diversions are in place while the Serious Crash Unit conducts a scene examination.
Enquiries into the crash are ongoing, police said.
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The magnitude 6.3 quake on 22 February left 185 people dead, while thousands of homes were demolished because of damage to the buildings or land.RNZ / SIMON ROGERS
A public memorial service will be held in Christchurch today to mark the 15th anniversary of the 2011 February earthquake.
The magnitude 6.3 quake on 22 February left 185 people dead, while thousands of homes were demolished because of damage to the buildings or land.
The service will be held at the Canterbury National Earthquake Memorial at the corner of Cambridge Terrace and Montreal Street in central Christchurch.
A minute’s silence will be held at 12.51pm, the time the earthquake hit, then the names of the 185 people who died will be read aloud while the HMNZS Canterbury bell tolls.
Christchurch City Council spokesman Duncan Sandeman said deputy mayor Victoria Henstock would lay a wreath at the memorial wall on behalf of the people of Christchurch, while members of the public were invited to lay floral tributes after the ceremony.
“We welcome all members of the community who wish to attend to join and reflect on the impact the destructive earthquakes had on our district and remember those lives that were lost,” he said.
Fifteen years on, much of the land cleared of houses, known as the red zone, is now parkland.
An 11km cycle and walking path called the City to Sea Pathway winds through some of the red zone land from New Brighton to the central city.
Christchurch Cathedral in 2025, 14 years after the Canterbury earthquakes partially destroyed it.Frank Film
The Anglican Christ Church Cathedral, for many years the symbol of Christchurch, was badly damaged in the February earthquake and is still fenced off in Cathedral Square.
Work was done to stabilise and strengthen the building but worked stopped in August 2024 because of a budget shortfall of around $85 million.
The Christ Church Cathedral Reinstatement Limited’s (CCRL) current plan is to re-open the cathedral in stages, with the first stage including the tower, nave and western wall which features the rose window.
The plan would allow seating for about 700 people.
The cathedral has occasionally opened for events and tours, with visitors donning hard hats and high-vis vests to venture inside.
Under the new staged-plan the CCRL hopes the cathedral can completely reopen by 2030.
CTV building collapse ‘a preventable disaster’
For those who lost loved ones in the collapse of the Canterbury Television (CTV) building during the earthquake, this anniversary is also a reminder of what they say was “a preventable disaster and of a justice system that has yet to reflect that truth”.
A total 115 people were killed when the six-storey building collapsed – a building that was later found to have significant deficiencies to its design.
However, in 2017 police confirmed they would not prosecute those believed to be responsible, despite uncovering negligence.
CTV Families Group spokesperson Maan Alkaisi, whose wife was killed in the collapse, said the ongoing lack of legal accountability revealed deep flaws within the justice system.
Professor Maan Alkaisi – Spokesperson, CTV Families GroupSupplied
“For the CTV families, the absence of prosecutions is not a legal endpoint. It is a continuing wound that raises hard questions about whose lives are protected by the law, and how far institutions are willing, or able, to go to match public expectations of justice.”
He said he would be inviting Attourney-General Judith Collins to meet with him in Christchurch to explain why police reversed their original intent to prosecute those who had been found negligent.
“This request is not an attempt to politicise the issue. It is an attempt to restore confidence in a system that appears to have failed 115 New Zealanders and their families.”
The CTV collapse was not unavoidable, but rather a preventable disaster, he said.
“Fifteen years on, our resolve has not diminished. What has changed is the narrative. It has evolved from ‘Still No Justice, Still No Accountability, Still No Closure’, to a new, determined stance: ‘The Story Does Not Finish Here’.”
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One person has died following a crash in Hillsborough last night.
Police were called around 6.30pm, to the crash where a vehicle has hit a parked car and flipped near the intersection of Frederick Street and Belfast Street.
Sadly, despite emergency services efforts, one person died at the scene.
Diversions are in place while the Serious Crash Unit conduct a scene examination.
Enquiries into the circumstances of the crash are ongoing.
Fin Melville Ives, after crashing out in qualification for the Freeski Halfpipe competition at the 2026 Milano Cortina Winter Olympic games.KIRILL KUDRYAVTSEV / AFP
The medical assessments are in and it’s been confirmed that New Zealand Freeskier Fin Melville Ives broke his collarbone in crashing out during the qualification rounds of the Halfpipe competition at the Winter Olympics.
Melville Ives, the current world champion and one of New Zealand’s best medal hopes, was stretchered off after the heavy fall during his second run after being knocked unconscious.
He’s now recovering and remains in good spirits, jesting his injuries are “nothing but a scratch”.
“It was really a game of two halves,” he said afterwards, with his sense of humour intact.
Melville Ives, 19, has also thanked the medical staff that have helped him so far, and his coach Murray Buchan.
Another Kiwi halfpipe freeskier Ben Harrington, who finished ninth, dedicated his second run to Melville Ives, saying to cameras on the slopes, “Hey Finski, this one’s for you, brother, love you, let’s go skiing.”
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“The event is so momentous that historians may, one day, view it as a landmark in the decline of the British Empire.”
That was dramatic framing by CBS News of The Beatles’s break-up in April 1970.
It was illustrative of the intense hyperbole that followed this band, who went from Liverpool teenagers to the biggest musical act in history in under a decade.
This video is hosted on Youtube.
– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
BEIJING, CHINA – Media OutReach Newswire – 21 February 2026 – Organized by the Japanese Repatriates and Japan-China Friendship Association, a delegation of 90 Japanese “war orphans,” along with their descendants and family members, visited Harbin in northeast China’s Heilongjiang Province on September 11, 2025, for a cultural performance. The event served as an opportunity for participants to convey heartfelt gratitude to their Chinese foster parents who raised them, while also promoting messages of peace and historical reflection through their artistic expressions.
The association is dedicated to fostering mutual understanding and friendship between Japan and China. Its mission includes supporting the social welfare of Japanese “war orphans” left behind in China—individuals who endured significant hardship during the post-war turmoil and are still facing various challenges today. The organization also seeks to preserve and transmit the memories of these experiences to younger generations and to deepen bilateral exchanges.
Following Japan’s surrender in 1945, more than 4,000 Japanese children were left behind in China and raised by Chinese families. Now advanced in age, the group has decided to undertake what they call their final “gratitude tour,” which coincides with the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War. Since 2009, these orphans have been traveling to China every few years to acknowledge the kindness of their Chinese foster parents and other benefactors who supported them.
Sumie Ikeda, 81, head of the association of friendship of repatriates from China, is herself one of the Japanese orphans left behind in China. In an exclusive interview with CNS, she spoke in the fluent northeastern Chinese dialect of her childhood, reminiscing about her upbringing in Heilongjiang. “How could I be Japanese?” she reflected, her early identity obscured by the war’s aftermath. Separated from her biological family as an infant, she was raised in Mudanjiang, Heilongjiang Province. “My foster mother was truly an exceptional Chinese woman,” Ikeda said, noting that memories of her foster mother’s strength continue to sustain her.
A pivotal moment occurred when she was eight and local Chinese authorities identified her Japanese heritage. The words of her foster mother, who insisted “This child is mine,” left an indelible mark on Ikeda. As an adult, her search for biological roots in 1980s Japan ended in hardship and betrayal, leaving her destitute and suicidal until rescued by the Chinese consulate.
“My first life was given by my birth parents; my second by my adoptive parents,” she recounted. “In the most difficult times, it was always the Chinese people who reached out to us.”
Ikeda’s story reflects a broader historical experience. Official Japanese records recognize 2,818 such “war orphans.” Their lives, Ikeda stresses, are a living indictment of the catastrophes caused by war.
Yet, despite their hardships, their enduring sentiment is one of profound gratitude towards China. “Though Japanese by birth, we would not have survived without Chinese people,” Ikeda said.
Their collective narrative delivers a dual message of profound gratitude and solemn warning. It pays tribute to the extraordinary compassion of ordinary Chinese people—a love that chose nurture over vengeance. “We must never let war happen again. Situations like ours must never be repeated,” Ikeda urged.
“We are a group with the dual identity of both perpetrators and victims,” she reflected, a statement that embodies the complex legacy of history, humanity, and a plea for lasting peace.
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Two Extinction Rebellion activists joined the speakers today at an Auckland protest over Israel’s genocide and ecocide in Gaza and occupied Palestine, condemning the “apocalyptic” assault on both people and their living environment.
Caril Cowan, a de facto coordinator of Extinction Rebellion Tāmaki Makaurau, spoke of the climate crisis this month in Aotearoa New Zealand to provide an insight into the Gaza emergency.
“One of our climate scientists, says this is normal – get used to it. We are going to have killing storms over, and over, and over …
“As we are saying, ‘We are all Palestine’, I just think of the people of South America, I think of the people of Africa, I think of Europe, where people are dying now because of the climate.
“They are dying of heat exhaustion, they are dying from floods, they are dying from landslides, like we have been having, not just a few. It’s happening. It is here now.”
After the rally, the protesters marched around the corner from Te Komititanga Square to the US Consulate in Auckland for a “Blood on your hands “ protest over the US role in funding and enabling Israel’s atrocities in Gaza.
Cowan was among those protesters who symbolically raised blood on their hands over the “shameful” US role under President Donald Trump and previous presidents.
Extension Rebellion speaker Caril Cowan . . . “people are dying now because of the climate crisis.” Image: APR
US pays part UN dues This week in Washington, a UN spokesperson said the United States had paid about US$160 million (NZ$268 million) of the more than US$4 billion it owes to the UN, just as Trump hosted the first meeting of his so-called “Board of Peace” initiative over Gaza that critics say could undermine the United Nations.
The US is the biggest contributor to the UN budget, but under the Trump administration it has refused to make mandatory payments to regular and peacekeeping budgets, and slashed voluntary funding to UN agencies with their own budgets.
Washington has also withdrawn from dozens of UN agencies.
Another speaker at today’s rally, Adam Jordan, from both Extinction Rebellion and the Palestinian movement, talked about the “connection” between the Gaza genocide and anthropogenic climate breakdown.
“As is so often the case with colonialism, and the capitalist system more generally, ecological destruction has always been inherent to the Zionist, settler-colonial project,” Jordan said.
Extension Rebellion’s Adam Jordan . . . the destruction in Gaza has reached such “apocalyptic proportions that the damage is visible from space”. Image: APR
“From contaminated soil and groundwater to decimated farmland and burning down centuries old olive groves that had been lovingly tended by countless generations of Palestinians.
“Rather than ‘making the desert bloom’ as they often claim, the colonisers are engaged in a process of ‘desertification’ — transforming once fertile and active farmland into an area devoid of both vegetation and biodiversity.”
Damage visible from space Jordan said that destruction of both people and the land itself in Gaza had reached such “apocalyptic proportions that the damage is visible from space”.
“The people who have not yet been killed by the bunker buster bombs, the forced starvation, disease, sniper fire and autonomous killer drones live in a wasteland of undrinkable water, unexploded munitions, overflowing landfills, contaminated soil and toxic debris, with orchards and fields reduced to dust in which life itself is being rendered impossible for the long term,” he said.
[embedded content] Gaza pollution environmental threats Video: Al Jazeera
“Ecocide here fuses with genocide in a manner never seen before.”
But where was the real connection between Palestine and the climate crisis?
“Despite all the rhetoric from governments and corporations about how they’re taking climate change seriously, the 2020s have so far seen an accelerated expansion of fossil fuel production, just when it had to be reined in and inverted into a sustained dismantling — for the world to avoid a warming of more than 2°C, and ideally no more than 1.5°C above the pre-industrial baseline.
“Currently we’re at 1.6°C above that baseline, and this is already proving to be absolutely catastrophic. In fact it’s proving again and again to be deadly,” Jordan said.
“The destruction of Gaza is of course executed by tanks and fighter jets, sending their projectiles that turn everything into rubble — but only after the explosive force of fossil fuel combustion has put them on the right path.
“All these military vehicles run on oil. As do the supply flights from the US, UK and Germany.’
A young protester with a Palestinian flag at the Auckland rally today. Image: APR
Emissions burden One study had estimated that from October 2023 to January 2025 the emission burden of the Gaza genocide by Israel and the West to be 32 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent.
“That’s more than the annual emissions of many countries,” Jordan said.
“It has generated more than 36 million metric tonnes of debris from buildings being either severely damaged or completely destroyed. It would take as long as four decades to remove and process all of this debris.”
Jordan said what was happening in Gaza was not just a transnational effort, but “a stain on the so called ‘international law’ that cannot be washed clean”.
“For over two years now we have watched as the corrupt corporate media has dehumanised the victims and attempted to humanise those committing this genocide,” he said.
“We have watched as academic institutions, politicians and governments all over the world have denied or justified the unspeakable horrors taking place in Gaza, just as they deny the severity and the consequences of the climate crisis and justify the continuation of business as usual, no matter how destructive it is to our environmental life support systems.
“But this is just business, this is just how the capitalist system works. Both people and the environment are seen as expendable, here only for the purposes of wealth extraction by the ultra wealthy ruling class — or as I prefer to call them, ‘The Epstein class’.”
New flotilla plans Among other speakers, Rana Hamida spoke about the new Global Sumud Flotilla plans to break the military siege of Gaza in April.
The flotilla has announced plans to send more than 100 boats carrying up 1000 activists, including medics and war crimes investigators, to the besieged enclave.
Hamida appealed for more volunteers from New Zealand to join the fleet.
Not just climate change – but a “system change” call for action. Image: APR
Blues face Western Force in Super Rugby Pacific.Liam Swiggs / RNZ
First-five Stephen Perofeta converted all six of his team’s tries and scored one himself, as the Blues overhauled Western Force 42-32 at Perth.
After a controversial loss to the Chiefs in their opener last week, the Auckland-based side took advantage of a big wind at their backs in the second half to overcome a 17-14 deficit, outscoring their rivals 21-3 during the 20 minutes after the break.
Prop Josh Fusitua and Perofeta touched down in the first 40 minutes, but a try to flanker Carlo Tizzano gave the home side a surprise lead at halfway.
After the restart, fullback Zarn Sullivan, flanker Torian Barnes and wing Cole Forbes rattled on three tries that gave their team the momentum and a 15-point lead, that provided a buffer to withstand a late Force rally.
The global human rights landscape has witnessed a significant diplomatic milestone.
Indonesia, for the first time since the body’s establishment in 2006, has officially taken the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
Indonesia’s Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva, Ambassador Sidharto Reza Suryodipuro, is currently guiding the procedural and diplomatic course of the world’s foremost human rights forum for the coming year.
Indonesian Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai . . . seeking to ensure the revised law is “more progressive and advanced”. Image: Antara
This appointment, backed by consensus within the Asia-Pacific regional group and subsequently endorsed by the full council, is far more than a routine procedural rotation.
It is a mirror reflecting diplomatic success, yet also a fragile piñata — ready to spill forth either in praise or sharp criticism depending on the blows dealt by reality and unfolding dynamics.
This moment is not the end of a journey, but the opening of a new chapter rife with interpretation — a complex test of Indonesia’s credibility, capacity, and consistency on the stage of global issues.
The test begins not only in the halls of Geneva but simultaneously in the halls of power in Jakarta, where the government is pushing for the ratification of a revised Human Rights Law by this year.
This legislative endeavour has now become inextricably linked to the credibility of its international leadership.
Foundations and mandate To understand the seriousness of this position, one must look to its foundational pillars.
The UN Charter, as the supreme constitution of global governance, clearly places the promotion and respect for human rights as a central pillar for maintaining international peace and security.
This charter provides an undeniable moral and political mandate. Indonesia’s presidency, within this framework, is an operational instrument to realise the charter’s noble aims — a collective trust bestowed by the community of nations.
The Human Rights Council itself is a product of the post-Cold War collective consciousness and the failures of its predecessor, the Commission on Human Rights. Established by General Assembly Resolution 60/251, it was designed as a more legitimate intergovernmental body with a mandate to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights globally.
It is a space of often-tense dialogue, a tireless advocacy arena for civil society, and a stage where mechanisms like the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) and Special Procedures strive to illuminate dark corners of violations.
Within this complexity, the council president is not merely a passive moderator but a pacesetter, agenda-shaper, balance-keeper, and often a mediator in intricate political deadlocks. This position holds the key that can either unlock discussions on neglected issues or bury them in procedure.
The normative compass for the council is the International Bill of Human Rights — comprising the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
These standards are the shared measure, the common language, and the basis for demands.
Indonesia’s leadership will be judged on its ability to advance the language and spirit of these covenants, not only within the halls of Geneva but also through their resonance and enactment at the national level. It is here that the ongoing revision of Indonesia’s own Human Rights Law (Law Number 30 of 1999) transforms from a domestic legislative process into a litmus test for its international posture.
Two sides of the coin Globally, this presidency represents the pinnacle of Indonesia’s soft power diplomacy. It affirms the image of a consequential developing nation deemed capable of leading even the most sensitive conversations.
It is an invaluable platform to voice Global South perspectives, emphasise the interdependence of civil-political and socio-economic rights, and champion dialogue over confrontation.
Indonesia has the opportunity to act as a bridge-builder, spanning the divides between West and East, North and South, in an increasingly polarised human rights discourse.
Yet, behind the stage lights, the shadows are long and critical. Organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have consistently warned that leadership on the council must align with tangible commitment.
They are watching closely: Will Indonesia use its influence to push for access by special mandate-holders to global conflict zones, or will it cloak inaction in the rhetoric of state sovereignty?
Will its voice be loud in highlighting violations in one region while falling silent on another due to geopolitical and geostrategic considerations?
Herein lies the ultimate credibility test. The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) criticises Indonesia’s presidency, arguing it could swiftly become “hollow prestige” if seen merely as a product of regional rotation, not a recognition of substantive capability.
The ULMWP asserts that Indonesia is unfit for the role, pointing to allegations of a 60-year conflict in Papua, historical casualties, and comparing the situation to past international controversies.
They challenge Indonesia’s moral standing, citing unresolved historical allegations, internal displacement, and the long-standing refusal to grant access to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.
This opposition underscores the profound domestic scrutiny the presidency faces: every action on the global stage will be measured against conditions in Papua, where critics describe ongoing tensions and demand immediate access for journalists and a UN visit.
The most profound implications may, in fact, unfold domestically. This presidency is a mirror forcibly held up to the nation itself. It creates unique political and moral pressure to address longstanding homework.
Issues such as freedom of expression, protection of minorities and vulnerable groups, law enforcement in cases of alleged violations, and the state of labour and environmental rights will come under a brighter international spotlight. Image: Laurens Ikinia/APR
Issues such as freedom of expression, protection of minorities and vulnerable groups, law enforcement in cases of alleged violations, and the state of labour and environmental rights will come under a brighter international spotlight.
In this context, the government’s move to revise the Human Rights Law is a direct response to this pressure.
Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai, in a meeting with Commission III of the House of Representatives (DPR) on February 2, 2026, emphasised that the drafting process involves prominent national human rights figures — including Professor Jimly Asshiddiqie, Makarim Wibisono, Haris Azhar, Rocky Gerung, Ifdhal Kasim, and Roichatul Aswidah — to ensure the revised law is “more progressive and advanced”.
The government is targeting ratification in 2026, aiming to synchronise domestic legal progress with its international leadership year.
The government thus faces a stark choice: leverage this historic moment as a catalyst for deeper legal and institutional human rights reforms, open wider dialogue with civil society, and demonstrate tangible progress anchored in a stronger law; or, wield the position merely as a diplomatic shield to deflect criticism, content with symbolism over substance, even if that symbolism includes a newly passed but weakly implemented law.
The latter would be a damaging boomerang, deepening a crisis of trust both in the eyes of its own citizens and the global community.
Indonesian civil society, conversely, holds a golden opportunity. They now have a wider door to elevate domestic issues to the global forum, using their own nation’s presidential position as an accountability tool. The involvement of activists in the law revision process is a start, but the presidency must be seen not as the sole property of the government, but as a national asset to be filled with diverse and critical voices, both sweet and bitter, to ensure the promised progress is real.
Navigating the terrain A clear-eyed SWOT analysis is indispensable for Indonesia to strategically navigate its historic presidency of the UN Human Rights Council. This framework illuminates the internal and external factors that will define its tenure, balancing inherent advantages against palpable risks, all while the domestic reform clock ticks.
Strengths: Indonesia enters this role with a formidable diplomatic toolkit. Its long-standing tradition of “free and active” foreign policy has cultivated a wide non-aligned network and substantial credibility as an independent voice in the Global South.
As the world’s third-largest democracy, it offers a practical case study in balancing governance, diversity, and development. Furthermore, its soft power assets — embodied in the national motto Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity) and its narrative of moderate Islam — provide unique cultural and religious leverage to mediate polarised debates on sensitive issues like religious freedom.
Operationally, the presidency itself confers significant agenda-setting power, allowing Indonesia to prioritise thematic issues such as the right to development, climate justice, and interfaith tolerance, while influencing the appointment of key human rights investigators.
The concurrent push for a progressive Human Rights Law revision can be framed as a strength, showcasing a commitment to aligning domestic norms with international aspirations.
Weaknesses: Indonesia’s most significant vulnerability remains the perceived gap between its international advocacy and its domestic human rights landscape. Longstanding, contentious issues — including restrictions on civil liberties, protections for minorities, and unresolved past alleged violations — provide immediate fodder for critics and undermine its moral authority.
This credibility deficit is a strategic weakness that adversaries will exploit. The revision of the Human Rights Law, if perceived as a rushed or cosmetic exercise to coincide with the presidency, could exacerbate this weakness rather than alleviate it.
Additionally, the technical and political capacity of its permanent mission in Geneva will be under immense strain, tested by the need to master complex procedural rules while managing intensely politicised negotiations among competing global blocs in real-time.
Opportunities: This presidency is an unparalleled platform for strategic nation-branding, casting Indonesia as a consensus-driven, responsible global leader. Domestically, it creates a powerful political catalyst to accelerate and deepen stalled legislative reforms.
The targeted 2026 ratification of the Human Rights Law is the prime opportunity; it must be used to revitalise national human rights institutions like the National Commission of Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and pass long-delayed bills like the Domestic Workers Protection Bill.
Internationally, it offers the chance to operationalise its bridge-builder identity, mediating in protracted conflicts or humanitarian crises where dialogue has stalled, thereby translating diplomatic principle into tangible impact.
Successfully shepherding a meaningful domestic reform would give Indonesia undeniable moral currency in these international efforts.
Threats: The external environment is fraught with challenges. The council is often an arena for great power politicisation, where human rights issues are weaponised for geopolitical ends. Indonesia risks being ensnared in these zero-sum games, which could drain diplomatic capital and compromise its neutral stance.
Simultaneously, it faces relentless scrutiny from a vigilant transnational civil society and global media, ensuring that any perceived stagnation or regression at home — such as a watered-down Human Rights Law or continued restrictions in Papua — will trigger amplified criticism internationally.
The paramount threat, however, is the boomerang effect: that the heightened visibility of the presidency exponentially raises expectations, and the subsequent failure to demonstrate concrete progress — both in Geneva through effective leadership and in Jakarta through substantive reform—could severely damage Indonesia’s hard-won diplomatic reputation, leaving it weaker than before it assumed the chair.
Thus, Indonesia’s tenure will be a constant balancing act: leveraging its strengths to seize opportunities, while meticulously managing its weaknesses to mitigate existential threats.
The presidency is not merely a position of honour, but a high-stakes test of strategic foresight and authentic commitment, where domestic legislative action is now part of the international exam.
From symbol to substance: The path forward Indonesia’s election as the 2026 President of the UNHRC is an acknowledgment of its role and potential on the global stage. However, this acknowledgment comes as a loan of trust with very high interest: increased accountability and consistency.
The government’s own timeline, aiming to ratify a revised Human Rights Law within this same year, has voluntarily raised the stakes, tying its legacy directly to tangible domestic output.
This year of leadership is not a celebratory party, but a laboratory for authentic leadership. Its success will not be measured by the smoothness of procedural sessions or the number of meetings chaired.
It will be measured by the extent to which Indonesia can articulate and champion a vision of inclusive and just human rights globally, and — just as crucially — by the degree to which this office leaves a positive legacy for the advancement of human rights at home.
The revised Human Rights Law is poised to be the most visible component of that domestic legacy. Minister Pigai’s confidence in its progressiveness, bolstered by the involvement of respected figures, must translate into a law that meaningfully addresses past shortcomings and empowers institutions.
Indonesia stands at a crossroads. One path leads to transformative leadership, using this position to strengthen global norms while cleansing the domestic mirror through courageous reform and open engagement. The other leads to transactional leadership, leveraging prestige and a new but potentially inert law to impress without touching the core of the issues.
Indonesia’s choice will determine whether history records 2026 as the year Indonesia truly led the world on human rights by exemplifying the change it advocates, or merely performed a protocol duty on a stage where the lights are slowly fading on its credibility.
A historic mandate and its dual imperative This strategic position is a historic achievement, cementing the country’s role while presenting a real-time test of its global credibility. As a body of 47 member states, the UNHRC holds vital authority in investigating violations, conducting periodic reviews, and shaping international human rights norms. The Council President controls the agenda, guides dialogue, and, most importantly, builds consensus from diverse interests.
Indonesia is no newcomer, currently serving its sixth membership term and often as a Vice-President. Securing the top seat opens the chance to shift from “player” to “game-setter,” potentially shaping a more inclusive global human rights discourse.
This achievement is built on active diplomacy: vigorous economic and peace diplomacy (including Indonesia’s peacemaker initiatives), strengthened regional diplomacy emphasising ASEAN centrality and Global South solidarity, and a consistent multilateral commitment as a strong UN system supporter.
The Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has affirmed its commitment to lead the council objectively, inclusively, and in a balanced manner. Potential agenda paths include advocating for contextualising human rights principles to be more sensitive to the historical, developmental, and socio-cultural contexts of developing nations; expanding the discourse to seriously discuss issues like corruption, environmental degradation, and electoral governance in the Council; and testing its bridge-builder capacity in acute conflicts, such as the Palestinian issue, by leading constructive diplomatic initiatives.
Ultimately, history will record not just the prestigious title of “UNHRC President,” but the substance and impact of the leadership. This position is a mirror: Is Indonesia ready to lead with consistency and firm moral principle, or will it become trapped in the contradiction between rhetoric in Geneva and reality at home?
The parallel process to revise the Human Rights Law is now part of that reflection. Its quality, its process, and its final enactment will be scrutinised as evidence of Indonesia’s sincerity.
True leadership will be measured by the courage to build bridges amid global divisions and the ability to connect words with concrete action and accountability domestically. The year 2026 will determine whether this moment is remembered as a renaissance of moral diplomacy, backed by genuine legal evolution at home, or merely a display window of symbolism where even new laws ring hollow.
The final word rests not on the title itself, but on the government’s collective actions in both the international arena and the national legislature. Success in this dual mission would add a brilliant and coherent achievement to the international record of the administration of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice-President Gibran Rakabuming Raka.
The choice — and the test — is in Indonesia’s hands.
Laurens Ikinia is a Papuan lecturer and researcher at the Institute of Pacific Studies, Indonesian Christian University, Jakarta. He is also an honorary member of the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) in Aotearoa New Zealand.
Auckland FC are closing in on the top of the A-League after dismantling the Wellington Phoenix 5-0, a dominant win that puts them just one point behind league leaders Newcastle.
Wellington’s hopes of securing their first-ever win over their northern rivals were dashed early due to a bizarre goal keeping error in the 24th minute.
A dejected Phoenix captain Alex Rufer addressed home fans immediately after the heavy defeat.
“We need to look at this and be accountable – it’s not good enough,” he told Sky Sport.
The talking point came when Wellington goalkeeper Josh Oluwayemi was caught out of position under a long clearance from Auckland defender Jake Girdwood-Reich.
Unable to stop the ball, Oluwayemi brushed it into his own net in a costly howler as he attempted to head the ball away.
Auckland carried the momentum as Jesse Randall scored his ninth goal of the season, adding a second just before the break.
Guillermo May also found the net in the 41st minute.
Later Randall was involved again, setting up Lachlan Brook for a goal.
Phoenix coach Giancarlo Italiano benched Oluwayemi at halftime, replacing him with Alby Kelly-Heald as the Phoenix trailed 4-nil.
Auckland coach Steve Corica said the three points were vital in closing the gap on Newcastle.
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
Auckland FC are closing in on the top of the A-League after dismantling the Wellington Phoenix 5-0, a dominant win that puts them just one point behind league leaders Newcastle.
Wellington’s hopes of securing their first-ever win over their northern rivals were dashed early due to a bizarre goal keeping error in the 24th minute.
A dejected Phoenix captain Alex Rufer addressed home fans immediately after the heavy defeat.
“We need to look at this and be accountable – it’s not good enough,” he told Sky Sport.
The talking point came when Wellington goalkeeper Josh Oluwayemi was caught out of position under a long clearance from Auckland defender Jake Girdwood-Reich.
Unable to stop the ball, Oluwayemi brushed it into his own net in a costly howler as he attempted to head the ball away.
Auckland carried the momentum as Jesse Randall scored his ninth goal of the season, adding a second just before the break.
Guillermo May also found the net in the 41st minute.
Later Randall was involved again, setting up Lachlan Brook for a goal.
Phoenix coach Giancarlo Italiano benched Oluwayemi at halftime, replacing him with Alby Kelly-Heald as the Phoenix trailed 4-nil.
Auckland coach Steve Corica said the three points were vital in closing the gap on Newcastle.
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Phoenix coach Giancarlo Italiano has quit after a heavy loss to Auckland FC.AAP / Photosport
Wellington Phoenix coach Giancarlo Italiano has resigned, after a [https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/sport/587537/phoenix-captain-apologises-to-fans-after-embarrassing-5-0-loss humiliating 5-0 A-League loss to Auckland FC.
The Wellington club has thanked ‘Chief’ for his work, with the coach confirming his departure after the match at Sky Stadium.
“Giancarlo Italiano has announced his resignation as men’s head coach,” the message read on Wellington Phoenix’s X account.
With tonight’s loss, the Phoenix have equalled their worst-ever loss at home.
More to come…
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In a post on Facebook, the college said it had “been advised by the Ministry of Education and specialist contractors to close the school for the safe demolition and removal of the fire damaged building which includes some asbestos cladding”.
The school will be moving to online learning from Monday 23 February to Friday 27 February.
Students and whānau have been urged to check emails for further information.
The fire broke out about 12.15pm on Friday afternoon, and smoke could be seen billowing from the school’s sports pavillion, a large wooden hall with a high pointed roof.
A Fire and Emergency spokesperson said the first call about the fire came in at 12.17pm, during a one-hour strike by the Professional Firefighters Union (NZPFU).
It took the volunteer Silverdale crew about 17 minutes to arrive at the school.
Northcote College principal Vicki Barrie said she was proud of how staff and students responded to the fire in the sports pavillion.
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Sprinter Tommy Te Puni is in the national record books.supplied
Sprinter Tommy Te Puni has etched his name in the national record books at the International Track Meet in Christchurch.
Te Puni eclipsed the national 200 metres record, running 20.35s, ahead of closest rival Lex Revell-Lewis.
The Auckland sprinter dips under Joseph Millar’s 2017 national mark of 20.37s.
Four men notched times under 21 seconds, with national 400 metres record holder Revell-Lewis clocking a personal best of 20.49s.
Zach Saunders followed him in 20.71s and Kadin Taylor notched 20.87s for fourth. The quartet now all rank within the top 12 all-time for New Zealand.
Tiaan Whelpton ran the fastest 100 metres race of his career, clocking a scintillating 10.01s time, but the wind was above the legal limit of +2.0m/s, with the wind reading +4.9m/s at the time of the race.
This performance comes after his 10.02s at the Cooks Classic in January and his equal resident record performance of 10.10s at the Sir Graeme Douglas International in Auckland two weeks ago.
Whelpton and Te Puni both now turn towards the New Zealand track and field championships in Auckland in a fortnight. The pair of record-breaking sprinters will chase national titles and, for Whelpton, the magic sub-10 second mark over the 100m.
Tom Walsh was well clear in the men’s shot put, throwing 20.83 for his best throw of the season.
Holly Robinson took the top spot in the women’s para shot put, scoring 85.48 percent of her world record, with Lisa Adams in second with 86.84 percent.
Will Little won the 3000 metres title, followed in by clubmates Cam Clark and Toby Tasker.
In the women’s race, Tillie Hollyer took out the national title ahead of Tamara Reeves in second and 18-year-old Brynne Gordon was third.
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Northern Districts women celebrate, as Wellington Blaze’s Jess McFadyen walks off the Basin Reserve.Marty Melville
Northern Brave have claimed the domestic one-day women’s cricket title for the first time, toppling star-studded Wellington Blaze.
Bowler Marama Downes led the charge in the grand final, bagging three wickets on Saturday at the Basin Reserve, including the key scalps of White Ferns Melie and Jess Kerr.
Batting first after winning the toss, ND were bowled out for 182 in 44 overs, posting a total that initially seemed below par.
However, Wellington’s chase was in tatters, with four wickets down inside just eight overs, and they fell 67 runs short in the 41st over, all out for 115.
Blaze opener Hannah Francis was the first Wellington batter to fall in the third over and she was swiftly followed by Melie Kerr in the sixth.
Kerr was trapped leg before wicket by Downes on just four runs and the collapse truly began, after Georgia Plimmer’s dismissal for 18 in the seventh over.
The Brave had only reached the final once before and it’s their first time lifting the Hallyburton Johnstone Shield.
Downes was also handy with the bat, scoring 25 lower-order runs.
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It is not expected to be restored until Sunday.123RF
Chorus said it has located the fault that has knocked out internet services to nearly 7500 customers in West Auckland.
The Chorus outage is impacting Te Atatū, Henderson, and Massey – with people unable to access the internet via their fibre connections since 5.30am on Saturday.
The fixed-line telecoms and infrastructure company said several copper and fibre cables had been damaged.
It said the repairs are complex, due to multiple cables and the location of the problem, and it is not expected to be restored until Sunday.
Chorus said repair crews are working as fast as they can
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